There is a fundamental misconception of international trade. Under different disguises and confusions, it is that the collective state trades, instead of individuals and private organizations trading. Recent illustrations are worth reporting.
On his so-called “reciprocal tariffs,” President Trump declared (“Trump’s Next Round of Tariffs—25% on Steel and Aluminum—Won’t Be So Easily Averted,” Wall Street Journal, February 9, 2025):
Very simple, they charge us, we charge them.
Translating the grandiose “we” into actual reality, what he is saying is, “very simple, a foreign state charges tariffs on American exports, the American state taxes the foreign state’s exports to America.” College economics students know that a tariff is a tax charged to importers when a good enters the country and that this tax is generally transferred to domestic consumers by way of an equivalent price increase. So what Trump is really saying is, “very simple, a foreign state charges a tax on its residents, my own state will charge an equivalent tax to our own residents.” Your tribe or collective harms its own, the tribe or collective I run will cause an equivalent harm to its members; it’s that simple.
Not only does elementary economic theory demonstrate this conclusion, but it is continually confirmed by experience to the point where the mere announcement or expectation of domestic tariffs starts pushing up the price of the imported goods and of the substitute domestic goods. In the Wall Street Journal, Greg Ip writes (“Inflation Helped Trump Get Elected. Now It’s His Problem,” February 13, 2025):
This week, [Trump] announced 25% tariffs on all imported steel and aluminum and said reciprocal tariffs on a wider range of products and countries are in the works.
Importers and suppliers are already reacting. Steel companies have already raised prices. Since Trump’s tariff announcement, futures contracts tied to an index of Midwest steel prices have risen about 6%.
Instead of “steel companies have already raised prices,” it would be more exact to say that domestic steel buyers are already bidding up the price of steel in the expectation of tighter quantities in the domestic market.
Another recent case is perhaps even more revealing of the collectivist nature of protectionism. (Let’s not be scared of the word “collectivist.” Communist countries, including the old Soviet Union, claim the collectivist label precisely to emphasize the primacy of collective choices over individual and private choices; but it is still collectivism when the degree or scope of the collective’s supremacy is smaller. It’s a matter of degree.) On February 1, the White House published a fact sheet titled “President Donald J. Trump Imposes Tariffs on Imports from Canada, Mexico, and China,” in which we read:
Access to the American market is a privilege.
What does that mean? The foreign business of an American citizen, or one in which he holds shares, may not export its ware to Americans living in America without the American government’s permission? An American living in America may not, without his government’s permission, import what he wants at terms freely agreed to with a foreign producer or even an American producing abroad? A foreign producer may not offer Americans what they want to buy? In other words, certain trading activities are, for foreigners and Americans, a privilege granted by the collective (or its representative), which may also take a cut (a tariff) on the trade. This is a quite extraordinary and shameless statement.
Trade is exchange. What about the American market for friendship or dating? Is access to this (even virtual) market a privilege for foreigners?
As we can see, the basic error is to conceive international trade as trade conducted by “countries.” The normative dimension of this error is that the liberty to trade should be located not in individuals and their private organizations, but in a collective right controlled by the state. This is not compatible with a free society, which is a society of free individuals.
Visualize two private parties voluntarily and indeed reciprocally trading with each other—say, a poor American in Appalachia and a much poorer worker in Thailand or Vietnam— exchanging American dollars against a textile product through an intermediary such as Walmart. We can say: the man (both men) is liberty! The woman (both women) is liberty! Compare this situation with the power of politicians to decide whether or not, or under which conditions, the exchange will be allowed to proceed. It is not pejoratively but admiratively (we can imagine his mouth open with awe) that Howard Lutnick, now Commerce Secretary, was speaking about Donald Trump (“‘He Is Power’: Billionaires Line Up for Donald Trump’s Inauguration,” Financial Times, January 20, 2025):
“The man is power,” said Lutnick of Trump in a speech on Monday at the Capital One arena, where the president’s supporters gathered to watch him being sworn in. “He is power.”
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Brave New World: Two collectives are exchanging
READER COMMENTS
Roger McKinney
Feb 19 2025 at 12:35pm
Great points! But tariffs are ridiculously popular with the people. Their ignorance and envy punishes all of us.
Pierre Lemieux
Feb 19 2025 at 3:17pm
Roger: Perhaps you have already seen it but, in the latest issue of Regulation, I discuss and amend H.L. Mencken’s idea that “democracy is the theory that the common people know what they want, and deserve to get it good and hard.”
Craig
Feb 19 2025 at 2:12pm
“The
foreignbusiness of an American citizen, or one in which he holds shares, may not export its ware to Americans living in America without the American government’s permission?”Crossing out foreign just to make a rhetorical point. See Wickard v Fillburn. They can control whether or not you grow wheat for home consumption. That’s not even in intrAstate commerce!
Pierre Lemieux
Feb 19 2025 at 3:13pm
Craig: Indeed, there is a more general misunderstanding of liberty as collective liberty (“governing ourselves“) instead of individual liberty. The collectivity is at “liberty” to control or abolish any individual’s liberty. The confusion was alas not abolished either by the French Revolution or the American Revolution; it was just not as deep in America.
rick shapiro
Feb 19 2025 at 3:58pm
I won’t argue that Trump isn’t ignorant and demented; but for a person like him, tariffs have an extremely valuable characteristic. They are ideal for extracting bribes and favors for his family and cronies, from companies and industries that want exemptions.
Pierre Lemieux
Feb 20 2025 at 12:27am
Rick: Indeed.
Jose Pablo
Feb 20 2025 at 1:27pm
If that were all, it would be great!. But what Trump “extracts” from this, unfortunately, are votes.
The fact that voters are so easily swayed by “feel-good” policies that ultimately harm them and that these policies are often tied to the satisfaction they derive from nationalistic beliefs, presents a much more serious challenge to the already deeply flawed intellectual foundations of liberal democracy.
David Seltzer
Feb 19 2025 at 7:02pm
Pierre: The deadweight loss from a tariff is proportional to the square of the tax or tariff. If a tax on a product doubles, the DWL quadruples. If the tax triples, the DWL ninetuples. So when DJT, in his clownery, threatens 100% tariffs on some imports Harberger’s triangle will tell the story.
Pierre Lemieux
Feb 20 2025 at 1:42pm
David: You are right, but the DWL is opaque if one does not understand the theory behind it. Only a transaction with its price is visible. For a set of transactions, a price index is required (which is not clear for somebody who can’t read a simple linear equation).
I am tempted to add (to make things even more complicated!) that the DWL is itself a simplification since it relates to only one market: it is a partial equilibrium concept that does not take into consideration the impact on consumer surpluses on other markets. The consumer surplus itself is a simplification that assumes the possibility of interpersonal utility comparison (at least if one wants to give it a welfare signification).
David Seltzer
Feb 20 2025 at 7:17pm
Pierre: You focus on consumer surplus in your thoughtful comment. If a per unit tax is placed on a good, the price the sellers receive is the amount they keep after they pay the tax. The producer’s surplus is reduced. The price the consumers pay rises and their surplus is reduced. A tariff or tax increase distorts “a market” as buyers and sellers face two different prices for the same item. Law of one price is violated. The consumer pays the price gross of tax while the seller receives a price that is net of tax.
Mactoul
Feb 19 2025 at 11:00pm
Why extraordinary? All politicians believe it, tariffs being as old as civilization itself. Not only that, almost all individuals believe it. It is a far more popular individual preference than the opposite no-tariff position.
Jose Pablo
Feb 20 2025 at 11:24am
It’s not just tariffs—any policy with concentrated and visible benefits but dispersed costs will be favored by politicians.
That says nothing about the policy’s actual merits.
In any case, the solution couldn’t be simpler: if you believe tariffs are beneficial, every product you buy should be subject to them. If I believe they are harmful, everything I consume should be tariff-free. After all, why should I have to pay for your misguided belief in tariffs?
It could be called the “Individual Voluntary Tariff Scheme.” Under this system, the true level of support for tariffs among individual voters would quickly become apparent
Jose Pablo
Feb 20 2025 at 12:49pm
Access to the American market is a privilege.
If that is true, then access to the French market, the Canadian market, the Mexican market, the German market, and so on, is also a privilege. In fact, access to the “rest of the world” market should then be a privilege.
The global market is three times the size of the American market ($27 trillion vs. $80 trillion in current USD). So, if Trump truly believes this, it should be an argument in favor of expanding global free trade. It is a great deal for America!
Pierre Lemieux
Feb 20 2025 at 1:30pm
Very good point, Jose! In logic and constitutional political economy, it is a devastating argument. However, an autistic protectionist would not admit it because he cannot comprehend that others think as he does. And, of course, an imperialist mercantilist bully would not understand because he believes that, normatively, might makes right.