If you read the supplemental material to which I link with the diligence I expect and require, dear reader (tongue is firmly in cheek here!), you will have read this paper I referenced that examines proposed symmetry breakers between the modal ontological argument for the existence of god and the reverse modal ontological argument against the existence of god. One of the symmetry breakers, and the response to it, reminded me of something F. A. Hayek said when evaluating the concept of “social justice.”
The symmetry breaker in question is the deontic symmetry breaker, which deals with deontic properties. Deontic properties are properties related to what ought to be the case, “properties of obligation and permission (e.g., rightness, wrongness, oughtness, etc.)”, which are distinct from evaluative properties that deal with “properties of value and disvalue (e.g., goodness, badness, etc.)” The deontic symmetry breaker goes as follows (with citation removed):
Therefore, according to this proposed symmetry breaker, we have reason to prefer premise 1 of the modal ontological argument over premise 1 of the reverse modal ontological argument.
One objection to this comes from William Vallicella, who argues that deontic properties can’t sensibly be applied to non-agential contexts. That is, it doesn’t make sense to speak of what ought or ought not be the case in situations that are not under the control of any agent:
This notion of the inapplicability of deontic properties to non-agential contexts reminded me of Hayek’s criticism of social justice, an idea idea he maintained “does not belong to the category of error but to that of nonsense, like the term ‘a moral stone.’” To Hayek, the reason “social justice” was nonsense is because the outcomes of social processes are non-agential. There are no agents with sufficient knowledge and power to bring about or prevent specific end results of social processes.
As Hayek put it in The Mirage of Social Justice, the second volume of Law, Legislation, and Liberty: “If we apply the terms to a state of affairs, they have meaning only in so far as we hold someone responsible for bringing it about or allowing it to come about…Since only situations which have been created by human will can be called just or unjust, the particulars of a spontaneous order cannot be just or unjust.” And the inability of agents to control the outcomes of social processes isn’t exactly an idea that’s only held by those on the political right – Friedrich Engels likewise said “What each individual wills is obstructed by everyone else, and what emerges is something that no one willed.” So you can be on the left, even the very far left, and still acknowledge that the outcomes of social processes are beyond anyone’s control.
To use an analogy, suppose there is a father who deliberately favors some of his children over others. He deliberately showers his favored child with love, attention, and resources, while outright neglecting and ignoring his other children. This, Hayek would say, is unjust, because the outcomes experienced by the children are entirely agential. But the outcomes of vast and complicated social processes are non-agential, and to speak of those outcomes as just or unjust, as if they were analogous to the hypothetical father above, is nonsensical.
But not everyone shares Hayek’s take that the outcomes of social processes can’t be controlled in a reliably agential way. Jeffrey Friedman wrote extensively of people who hold to a “simple-society ontology” and who believed that certain actors (politicians, technocrats, etc.) can reliably control social outcomes in a way that is analogous to the hypothetical father’s ability to control the way he treats his own children. Thus, the more one holds to a simple-society ontology, the more likely they are to embrace “social justice” and find it a meaningful project, because they believe social outcomes are in fact under reliable agential control. Friedman described how such people expressed themselves in political polling data:
These voters believed that “the reason social problems persist is that elected officials have ‘the ability but not the will to take care of the nation’s problems.’ The ability was, for them, the easy part, or so it seems; the hard part was the will.” But if you think that politicians and technocrats haven’t solved social problems because they simply don’t know how to do so, then you lose the ability to meaningfully ascribe deontic properties. This doesn’t mean one can’t still ascribe evaluative properties to certain outcomes, and speak of the goodness or badness of such outcomes. If a landslide that nobody created and nobody could have prevented wipes out a village tomorrow, I can ascribe evaluative properties to that event (“it’s a tragedy this happened”) even though it makes no sense to ascribe deontic properties to that event (“all those rocks and mud ought not to have overrun that village.”) But people who harbor a simple-society ontology can lose sight of the distinction between evaluative claims and deontic claims – leading them to believe that an outcome that is evaluatively bad is therefore deontically unjust. But this is a mistake, and we should resist falling into it.
READER COMMENTS
nobody.really
Jul 18 2024 at 11:47am
Wow—Kevin Corcoran’s on fire these days! This essay provokes a variety of thoughts.
1: As I understand Hayek’s argument, atheists lack a basis to complain that “spontaneous” circumstances violate social justice, no matter how harmful those circumstances. But theists retain such a basis—provided they’re willing to remonstrate to God.
2: While Hayek appears to reject “social justice,” this did not deter him from supporting government-administered social safety nets—for example, a basic minimum income. This leads me to wonder whether Hayek’s views and the views of social justice advocates merely differ at the level of metaphysics—or even semantics.
3: Facing competitive pressures, politicians often campaign as if they can solve various problems that are (as far as I know) beyond their control. And whether they do or not, I suspect desperate voters often project their hopes onto politicians, as they might project hopes onto God. (The fact that democracies provide voters with a perennial stream of opportunities for new hope—even illusory hope—arguably helps make democracies more stable.) Given these oh-so-human dynamics, I strive to maintain some sympathy for voters who then become disillusioned, even when I doubt the merits of their initial illusions.
4: Simple-society ontology may seem simple-minded.
But consider: I don’t really know the extent of my politician’s power to promote the agenda I favor. Biden complains that Republican officials killed a bill that would have enhanced border security, and I believe that—but I lack the capacity to know what possible deals Biden might have been able to do to persuade those Republicans, and whether Biden instead traded favors with Republicans to pursue some other agenda. Given my rational ignorance, my best option may be to treat politicians transactionally: I reward politicians when I get results I like, and punish them when I don’t. I accept no excuses, because I know I lack the capacity to evaluate those excuses. I can only evaluate results.
This “rational ignorance” argument strikes me as more sophisticated than the simple-society ontology—but I think it leads to the same result.
Kevin Corcoran
Jul 18 2024 at 3:00pm
A few quick thoughts come to mind –
You say “As I understand Hayek’s argument, atheists lack a basis to complain that ‘spontaneous’ circumstances violate social justice, no matter how harmful those circumstances.” I don’t think this is quite right. Hayek’s argument is that the claim that some circumstance violates social justice is inherently meaningless because the concept of social justice itself is inherently meaningless. That is, Hayek’s argument isn’t that without an ability to remand things to a god, certain people lack the basis to complain about {this condition}, he’s arguing that {this condition} can’t be violated even in principle because it never obtains and has no coherent meaning.
You also write,
I don’t think so, because there can be different and incompatible reasons why different people might support the same policy. Just because Hayek supported the government ensuring “security against severe physical privation, the certainty of a given minimum of sustenance for all” in The Road to Serfdom does not mean he shared substantially in the worldview of others who support a welfare state for different reasons. There are two different Hayekian angles to take here. One is regarding the basis on which a minimal welfare state can be justified – is such a thing justified in order to meet the requirements of “social justice”? This, Hayek would say, is nonsense – and those who invoke support for the welfare state on the basis of “social justice” also use that invocation in support of rather more expansive government reach than a minimal welfare state to ensure “security against severe physical privation.” So then on what basis would Hayek support such a welfare state?
One possibility can be found in a potential “reverse-card” I left open in my post that could be played against libertarians. Hayek is, I believe, correct to point out that just because an outcome is evaluatively bad, that doesn’t mean it’s deontically unjust. But someone could point out (fairly, in many cases) that some libertarians are too quick to act as though an outcome not being deotically unjust doesn’t mean it’s not still very bad – and redressing injustice isn’t the only possible justification for action! We can also be moved to ameliorate certain situations that are not unjust, simply because they are bad. Like in the case of the hypothetical landslide – it may not be “unjust” that the village suffered that fate, but it’s surely still bad, and things like disaster relief may be justified on account of that badness. In a similar way, “severe physical privation” as a result of a spontaneous order may not be unjust, but it might still be bad and securing against it can be justified in order to alleviate a bad, rather than redress an injustice.
The other Hayekian angle here is to ask what is within the state’s scope of competence. I once heard George Will (a self-styled conservative, but certainly one with a classical liberal or libertarian bent) say in a speech something to the effect that his brand of conservatism is not intrinsically against ameliorative government. He gives the example of Social Security – the government identifies a group of people (the elderly) and mails them checks. That is something the government actually can do, successfully. But what the government can’t do is things like provide “head starts” or build “model cities” or otherwise pull levers of policy from the top in a way that will offset the inequities of the past and create equal results today. That’s simply beyond their competence. Hayek, too, expressed the point that recognizing the limited competence of what good can be done from the top is itself required in order to maximize the amount of good that can be done. As he put it in the first volume of Law, Legislation, and Liberty,
As an aside, Jeffrey Friedman, in his book Power Without Knowledge, pretty effectively refuted the idea of voting based on one’s judgment about good or bad results delivered by politicians as an effective way to improve the actual quality of public policy. Or I found his refutation pretty effective, anyway. But I’ve rambled on long enough for one comment! I may return to it later though.
(One day I’ll learn to write shorter comments! Really! (Not really, probably.))
nobody.really
Jul 18 2024 at 3:16pm
That’s a great quote!
Yeah, that’s an absurd one. Who would buy that? Nobody.Really.
Kevin Corcoran
Jul 19 2024 at 3:46pm
Okay, that genuinely made me laugh. Well played.
On a somewhat related note to all of the above, the little memory imp in my brain was jumping around and I remembered that once upon a time when I was describing David Schmidtz’s book Living Together, you had asked in the comments if Schmidtz dealt with the Rawls’ and Hayek’s arguments for the welfare state. I responded by saying that while he does respond to Rawls, he doesn’t rebut Hayek’s argument for the welfare state because Hayek never actually made an argument for a welfare state. Hayek asserted his support for a minimal welfare state to prevent “severe physical privation,” but never really spelled out what the basis for his support was, meaning there wasn’t really an argument to refute.
Then the memory imp reminded me I had once read an essay by Matt Zwolinski who also noted that Hayek never spelled out his argument. Zwolinski in turn goes on to construct what he believes would be an argument for the kind of welfare state Hayek endorsed, consistent with the ideas Hayek expressed in his other works. Zwolinski ultimately concludes that a Hayekian argument for such a program need not depend on any commitment to either egalitarian ideals like leveling the playing field or creating more equal outcomes, nor does it require a belief in positive rights.
Of course, lacking a working Ouija board I can’t actually be sure if Hayek himself would agree that Zwolinski accurately captures his thinking, but still, it shows that one can have a basis for harboring support for a minimal welfare state while still having more than merely semantic disagreements with the idea of social justice.
Thomas L Hutcheson
Jul 18 2024 at 5:22pm
But perhaps there should have been a landslide warning system in place or the site of the village have been chosen differently.
Any complex outcome is likely to have some agents involved.
Or do you mean that since we cannot reliably model the effects of an agent we cannot be sure that the effected outcome is in fact better than the outcome w/o the action of the agent? The village might have been located in a worse place with greater loss of life?
Richard W. Fulmer
Jul 18 2024 at 8:46pm
Spontaneous orders emerge in the context of the laws of the land, which are created by humans. So, if the laws of the land are respect for individual rights, individual responsibility, private property, free markets, and the right to contract; the rule of law; the separation of powers; and democratic, constitutional republicanism, then one kind of spontaneous order will emerge. If the laws of the land are “ from each according to his ability, to each according to his need,” then a very different kind of order will emerge.
In the first, people will be rewarded in proportion to what they produce. In the second, people will be rewarded in proportion to the extent that they are, or can turn themselves into, victims.
Roger McKinney
Jul 19 2024 at 11:09am
Social Justice warriors have no option other than to believe in Omnipotent Government, also the name of Mises’ history of German socialism. They believe people are born good and turn bad only because of oppression. The government can abolish evil by eliminating oppression. If it can’t, there is no hope for humanity.
Thomas L Hutcheson
Jul 19 2024 at 11:35pm
The standard declining rate of marginal utility rationale for redistribution can yield a MUCH more than minimal welfare state with no reference to social justice.
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