Liberty and Liberalism

Smith, Bruce
(1851-1937)
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Editor/Trans.
First Pub. Date
1887
Publisher/Edition
London: Longmans, Green, and Co.
Pub. Date
1887
Comments

1. [1] "Popular Government,"p. 151.

2. [2] "History of the Radical Party in Parliament"(Harris), p. 348.

3. [3] "History of the Radical Party in Parliament" (Harris), p. 348.

4. [4] "Speech on Conservative and Liberal Principles," 1872.

5. [5] Lord Selbourne, in a paper entitled "Thoughts about Party," published in the January (1887) number of the Contemporary Review, says: "That a machinery should exist, by which a party, without change of name, and indeed arrogating to itself the sole right to the old name, should be liable to have its internal character and its practical objects suddenly transformed into something essentially different from what they were understood to be before; that this should be done without any previous preparation by the natural and spontaneous growth of opinion within its ranks, is a thing which could hardly have been thought possible if it had not happened."

Chapter II

6. [6] "Phases of Party" (C. H. Chambers), 1872, p. 6

7. [7] Macaulay incidently mentions several other names which attached themselves to certain groups of politicians at different and previous periods of history, but, as they all enjoyed a most ephemeral currency, I have purposely passed them over.

8. [8] "History of England," chap. 1.

9. [9] Macaulay's "History of England," chap. 1.

10. [10] "History of England," chap. 1.

11. [11] "History of England," chap. 1.

12. [12] Macaulay's "History of England," chap. 1.

13. [13] "Phases of Party" (C. H. Chambers), 1872, p. 6.

14. [14] "History of England," chap. 55.

15. [15] "History of England," chap. 55.

16. [16] "History of England," chap. 55.

17. [17] "Clarendon," vol. ii, p. 415.

18. [18] "History of England," chap. 55.

19. [19] "History of England," chap. 1.

20. [20] "History of England," chap. 2.

21. [21] "Phases of Party," p. 17.

22. [22] "History of England," chap. 1.

23. [23] "Constitutional History of England," chap. 12, note.

24. [24] "English Parties and Conservatism," page 69.

25. [25] Macaulay's "History of England," chap. 2.

26. [26] Macaulay's "History of England," chap. 2.

27. [27] "History of England," chap. 68.

28. [28] "Constitutional History of England," chap. 12.

29. [29] "The Earl of Chatham." Collected Essays.

30. [30] "History of England," chap. 11.

31. [31] "Constitutional History of England," chap. 16.

32. [32] "Constitutional History of England," chap. 16.

33. [33] "Constitutional History of England," chap 12.

34. [34] Essay on "The Parties of Great Britain." Collected Essays.

35. [35] Essay on the "Succession of Spain." Collected Essays. [It is worthy of notice, how much truth there is in this prediction. Lord Randolph Churchill, as one of the leading spirits of the Tory party of to-day, lately advocated legislative measures, which would have been considered very "advanced" Whiggism in 1832, in fact was only lately advocated by the extreme Radical party.]

36. [36] "Essay on the Earl of Chatham." Collected Essays by Lord Macaulay.

37. [37] "Essay on Earl of Chatham." Collected Essays.

38. [38] "Constitutional History of England," chap. 16

39. [39] "History of Our Own Times." Justin McCarthy, vol. i., p. 20.

40. [40] "Phases of Party," p. 64.

41. [41] "Phases of Party," p. 64.

42. [42] "Middle and Extreme Parties." Collected Essays.

43. [43] Middle and Extreme Parties Collected Essays.

44. [44] "Why am I a Liberal?" p. 35.

45. [45] "Why am I a Liberal? p. 36.

46. [46] "Why am I a Liberal?" p. 39.

47. [47] "Why am I a Liberal?" p. 53.

48. [48] "Why am I a Liberal?" p. 57.

49. [49] "Why am I a Liberal?" p. 60.

50. [50] "Why am I a Liberal?" p. 70.

51. [51] "History of the Thirty Years' Peace," vol. i., p. 226.

52. [52] "History of the Radical Party in Parliament," William Harris, p. 8.

53. [53] "History of England in the Eighteenth Century," vol. iii., p. 174. "See also Wingrove Cooke's "History of Parties," vol. iii., p. 188.

54. [54] "History of the Radical Party in Parliament," p. 8.

55. [55] "History of the Radical Party in Parliament," p. 15.

56. [56] "Capitalisation of Labour." Wordsworth Donisthorpe, 1887.

57. [57] "Democracy," Wordsworth Donisthorpe, p. 53.

Chapter III

1. [1] "Influence of Authority in Matters of Opinion," p. 95.

2. [2] "History of the French Revolution." Collected Essays.

3. [3] "Democracy in Europe."—Introduction.

4. [4] "Democracy in Europe.—Introduction.

5. [5] "It cannot rensonably be doubted that the family was the great source of personal law."—"Village Communities," Sir Henry S. Maine.

6. [6] "Early History of Institutions," Sir Henry Maine, p. 64.

7. [7] "Reform and Reformers." H. B. Stanton.

8. [8] Green's "History of the English People," p. 87.

9. [9] "History of England," chap. 1.

10. [10] "History of England," chap. 4.

11. [11] Hume quotes Malmesbury, as saying that he promised also "to govern the English and Normans by equal laws."

12. [12] Hume's "History of England," chap. 4.

13. [13] "Hume's History of England," chap. 4.

14. [14] Robert, Earl of Montaigne, had 973 manors and lordships; Allan, Earl of Brittany and Richmond, 442; Odo, Bishop of Baienx, 439; and a score more of the Conqueror's chief followers were treated with the same lavish generosity. It has been computed that the whole county of Norfolk was divided among sixty-six proprietors.

15. [15] "Hume's History of England," chap. 4.

16. [16] "Green's Short History of the English People," chap. 2.

17. [17] "Hume's History of England," chap. 4.

18. [18] "A bridgment of English History." Edmund Burke, chap. 3.

19. [19] "A bridgment of English History." Edmund Burke, chap. 3.

20. [20] "Hume's History of England," chap. 6.

21. [21] "A bridgment of English History." Edmund Burke, chap. iv.

22. [22] "A bridgment of English History." Edmund Burke, chap. iv.

23. [23] "A bridgment of English History." Edmund Burke, chap. iv.

24. [24] "Hume's History of England," chap. 6.

25. [25] "Hume's History of England," chap. 6.

26. [26] "Green's Short History of the English People," chap. 2.

27. [27] "Green's Short History of the English People," chap. 2.

28. [28] "History of England," chap. 11.

29. [29] "Constitutional History of England," chap. 1.

30. [30] "History of England," chap. 11.

31. [31] "Letters on a Regicide Peace." Collected Works, vol. v.

32. [32] "Democracy in America," vol. i., p. 250.

33. [33] "Democracy in Europe," Sir Erskine May, vol. ii., p. 347.

34. [34] Reeve's "History of English Law," vol. i., pp. 262-3.

35. [35] Reeve's "History of English Law," vol. i., p. 266.

36. [36] "History of Civilisation in Europe," chap. 13.

37. [37] "History of England," chap. 11., appendix 2.

38. [38] "History of England," chap. 12.

39. [39] "Middle Ages," vol. ii., p. 108.

40. [40] "Abridgment of English History," chap. 8.

41. [41] Green's "History of the English People," chap. 8.

42. [42] Green's "History of the English People," chap. 8.

43. [43] Hume's "History of England," chap. 50.

44. [44] Hume's "History of England," chap. 50.

45. [45] Hume's "History of England," chap. 50.

46. [46] "Hume's "History of England," chap. 50.

47. [47] "Memorials of Hampden." Macaulay's Essays.

48. [48] "Tonnage duties, those imposed on wines imported according to a certain rate per ton. This, with poundage, was formerly granted to the sovereign for life, by acts of parliament, usually passed at the beginning of each reign."—Wharton's Law Lexicon," p. 965.

49. [49] "History of England," chap. 50.

50. [50] "emocracy in Europe," vol ii., p. 376.

51. [51] Hume's "History of England," chap. 51.

52. [52] Hume's "History of England," chap. 51.

53. [53] Green's "History of the English People," chap. 8.

54. [54] "History of England," vol. i., p. 89, and Collected Essays: "Lord Nugent's Memorials."

55. [55] "History of England," chap. 2.

56. [56] Hallam's "Constitutional History of England," chap. 7.

57. [57] "Constitutional History of England," chap. 12.

58. [58] Chap. 12.

59. [59] "History of England," chap. 6.

60. [60] "History of England," chap. 67

61. [61] "History of Civilisation," chap. 7.

62. [62] Macaulay's "History of England, chap. 6.

63. [63] Buckle's "History of Civilisation," vol. i., p. 496, note.

64. [64] "Collected Works," vol. ii., p. 4.

65. [65] Macaulay's "History of England," vol. i., chap. 2.

66. [66] Macaulay's "History of England," chap. 4.

67. [67] Macaulay's "History of England," vol. ii., chap. 6.

68. [68] Macaulay's Essays: "History of the Revolution."

69. [69] "Reflections on the Revolution in France." Collected Works, vol. ii.

70. [70] "Constitutional History of England," chap. 15.

71. [71] Hallam's "Constitutional History of England," chap. 15. See also Green's "Short History of the English People," chap. 9.

72. [72] Burke's "Reflections on the French Revolution." Collected Works, vol. ii.

73. [73] I. William and Mary, quoted by Burke. "Reflections on the French Revolution." Collected Works, vol. ii.

74. [74] "History of Civilisation in Europe," vol. i., lecture 13.

75. [75] "Constitutional History of England," chap. 14.

76. [76] "Constitutional History of England," chap. 14.

77. [77] "Constitutional History of England," chap. 14.

78. [78] "Constitutional History of England," chap. 14.

79. [79] "Reflections on the French Revolution." Collected Works, vol. ii.

80. [80] "Address to the King." Collected Works, vol. v., p. 473.

81. [81] "History of the Revolution." Collected Essays.

82. [82] Hume's "History of England," vol. iv., p. 120. Note.—Though this quotation written upwards of a century ago, is inaccurate in speaking of the site of the United States as consisting of "savage deserts," it is nevertheless of value, as recording, in general words, the spirit by which the early colonists were actuated.

83. [83] Burke's Collected Works, vol. i., p. 464.

84. [84] Encyclopedia Britannica, ninth edition, "America."

85. [85] Green's "History of the English People," 749.

86. [86] "Collected Works," vol. i., p. 463.

87. [87] "Speech on American Taxation." Collected Works, vol. i.

88. [88] "Speech on American Taxation." Collected Works (Bohn), vol. i., p. 392.

89. [89] This I presume was a reference to the great inequalities in parliamentary representation, which left Manchester and such towns as had grown up into sudden prominence comparatively disfranchised.

90. [90] "Speech on American Taxation." Collected Works, vol. i., p. 433.4.

91. [91] Green's "History of the English People," chap. 10.

92. [92] Green's "History of the English People," chap. 10.

93. [93] Collected Works, vol. v., p. 481.

94. [94] "Democracy in Europe," vol. ii., p. 131.

95. [95] Green's "History of the English People," chap. 7.

96. [96] Green's "Short History," chap. 8.

97. [97] Green's "Short History," chap. 8.

98. [98] "Speech at Bristol." Collected Works, vol. ii.

99. [99] Collected Works, vol. iii.

100. [100] Collected Works, vol. iii. Note.—The capitals are so printed in the original.

101. [101] Green's "History of the English People," chap. 10.

102. [102] Green's "History of the English People," chap. 10.

103. [103] Green's "History," chap. 10.

104. [104] "Reform and Reformers," (H. B. Stanton, London, 1853.) Note: I am indebted to this admirable little work for most of the dates and facts which I have given concerning this important event.

105. [105] "Collected Works," vol. vi.

106. [106] "Democracy in Europe," vol. ii., p. 461.

107. [107] "History of the Revolution" (Collected Essays.)

108. [108] "Reflections on the Revolution in France." Collected Works, vol. ii.

109. [109] "Democracy in Europe."

Chapter IV

1. [1] Hume's "History of England," vol. i., App. 2.

2. [2] Hume's "History of England," vol. i., App. 2.

3. [3] Green's "History of the English People," chap. 4.

4. [4] Green's "History of the English People," chap. 4.

5. [5] Green's "History of the English People," chap. 4.

6. [6] Green's "History of the English People," chap. 4.

7. [7] Harris' "Radical Party in Parliament," p. 203.

8. [8] "History of Our Own Times," vol. i., p. 59.

9. [9] "Speech on the Penal Laws against Catholics." Collected Works, vol. iii.

10. [10] "Speech on Parliamentary Reform," 5th July, 1831.

11. [11] "History of Civilisation," vol. i., 447.

12. [12] "History of England," vol. i., chap. 12.

13. [13] "History of England," vol. ii., chap. 21.

14. [14] "History of England," vol. iv., appendix

15. [15] Smollett's "History of England," vol. ii., chap. 22.

16. [16] Smollett's "History of England," vol. ii., chap. 26.

17. [17] Smollett's "History of England," vol. iii., chap. 28.

18. [18] "History of Our Own Times," vol. i., 174.

19. [19] "Reform and Reformers chap. 22.

20. [20] "Reform and Reformers, p. 217.

21. [21] "Wealth of Nations," Book iv., chap. 2.

22. [22] "Wealth of Nations," Book iv., chap. 2.

23. [23] "History of Our Own Times," vol. i., p. 177.

24. [24] "History of Our Own Times," chap. 14.

25. [25] "History of Our Own Times," vol. i., chap. 14.

26. [26] "Speech at Edinburgh," December 2nd, 1845. (Collected Speeches.)

27. [27] "Speech at Edinburgh," December 2nd, 1845. (Collected Speeches.) Note.—Macaulay was referring, in this sentence, to the contention, which was actually persisted in by some of the supporters of the existing Corn Laws, that cheapness of bread was calculated to injure the working classes.

28. [28] "History of the Radical Party in Parliament," p. 348.

29. [29] "History of the Radical Party in Parliament," p. 348.

30. [30] "Democracy in Europe," vol. ii., p. 467.

31. [31] "History of Civilisation," vol. i., p. 273.

32. [32] "History of Civilisation," vol. i., p. 273.

33. [33] "History of Civilisation," vol. i., p. 503.

34. [34] "Speech on Freetrade," December 19th, 1845.

35. [35] "Speech on Foreign Policy," October 29, 1858.

36. [36] "Speech on Ireland," November 2, 1866.

37. [37] The Times, October 16, 1885.

38. [38] "Social Statics," p. 326.

39. [39] "Social Statics," p. 94.

40. [40] Gilchrist's "Life of Richard Cobden."

41. [41] "History of Our Own Times," vol. i. 68.

42. [42] "History of Our Own Times," vol. i., p. 55.

43. [43] "History of Our Own Times," vol. i., p. 56.

44. [44] "History of Our Own Times," vol. i., p. 56.

45. [45] "History of Our Own Times," vol. i., 234.

46. [46] "History of Our Own Times," vol. i., 68.

47. [47] "Speech on The People's Charter," May 3rd, 1842.

48. [48] "Speech on The People's Charter," May 3rd, 1842.

49. [49] "History of Our Own Times," vol. i., p. 240.

50. [50] "History of Our Own Times," vol. i., p. 242.

51. [51] "Democracy in Europe," vol. i., 32.

52. [52] "Democracy in Europe," vol. i., p. 38.

53. [53] Green's "History of the English People," chap. 2.

54. [54] Green's "History of the English People." chap. 2.

55. [55] Green's "History of the English People," chap. 2.

56. [56] Hume's "History of England," vol. i., chap. 10.

57. [57] Hume's "History of England," vol. i., chap. 10.

58. [58] Hume's "History of England," vol. i., chap. 10.

59. [59] Hume's "History of England," vol. i., chap. 13.

60. [60] Hume's "History of England," vol. i., chap. 13.

61. [61] Green's "History of the English People," chap. 4.

62. [62] Smollett's "History of England," vol. ii., chap. 22.

63. [63] McCarthy's "History of Our Own Times," vol. ii., chap. 49.

64. [64] "Speech on Jewish Disabilities," 17th April, 1833.

65. [65] Collected Essays, "Civil Disabilities of the Jews."

66. [66] Collected Essays, "Civil Disabilities of the Jews."

67. [67] Collected Speeches, "Admission of Jews to Parliament."

68. [68] Collected Speeches, "Admission of Jews to Parliament."

69. [69] McCarthy's "History of Our Own Times," vol. ii., page 48.

70. [70] Green's "History of the English People," chap. 5.

71. [71] Green's "History of the English People," chap. 5.

72. [72] "History of the Radical Party in Parliament," p. 30.

73. [73] "Vol. iii., p. 204."

74. [74] "Life of Richard Cobden." (John McGilchrist), p. 157.

75. [75] "Speech on Ireland," March 14, 1868. Collected Speeches

76. [76] "Democracy in Europe," vol. ii., p. 473.

77. [77] McCarthy's "History of Our Own Times," vol. i., p. 35.

78. [78] "Personal Life of George Grote," p. 76.

79. [79] "Radical Party in Parliament," p. 236.

80. [80] "Speech on Reform," Glasgow, December 21, 1858.

81. [81] "Speech on Reform." Glasgow, Dec. 21, 1858.

82. [82] "Speech on Ireland." Dublin, Nov. 2, 1866.

83. [83] McCarthy's "History of Our Own Times," vol. ii., p. 359.

84. [84] McCarthy's "History of Our Own Times," vol. ii., page 360.

85. [85] "History of Our Own Times," vol. ii., p. 359.

86. [86] "Life of W. E. Gladstone," Lewis Apjolm, p. 209.

87. [87] "Why am I a Liberal?" p. 48.

88. [88] "General Election Speeches," 1885.

Chapter V

1. [1] My reason for choosing the above heading, for the present chapter, is that I may be enabled to draw as clear as possible a distinction between what I conceive to be the true principles upon which all movements, attempted under the authority of the political term "Liberalism," should be based, and those other principles which, while claiming to rightly conform to the traditions of that title, are in fact entirely and absolutely false to them, and really calculated to undermine and destroy some of the greatest Liberal results associated with our nation's history. I have, accordingly, entitled the one set of principles "True Liberalism," and, in the next chapter I have dealt with what I conceive to be the false and perverted school referred to, under the title "Spurious Liberalism."

2. [2] "Over-Legislation." (Collected Essays.) Herbert Sponc

3. [3] "Reflections on the French Revolution." (Collected Works, vol. ii., p. 333.)

4. [4] "Reflections on the French Revolution." (Collected Works, vol. ii., p. 334.)

5. [5] "Reflections on the French Revolution." (Collected Works, vol. ii., p. 334.)

6. [6] "The State in Relation to Labour," W. Stanley Jevons, p. 18.

7. [7] Political Speech (Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 14th Nov., 1885.)

8. [8] "Order and Progress," pp. 228, 229.

9. [9] "Influence of Authority in Matters of Opinion," p. 173.

10. [10] Although frequently using and quoting others in the use of the expressions "science of politics," "science of government," I am aware that they are, by some authorities, considered incorrect. J. S. Mill, for instance, has said;—"The science of legislation is an Incorrect and misleading expression. Legislation is making laws. We do not talk of the science of making anything. Even the 'science of government,' would be an objectionable expression were it not that 'government' is often loosely taken to signify, not the act of governing, but the state or condition of being governed, or of being under a government." ("Unsettled Questions of Political Economy," p. 136.) With the greatest respect for so high an authority, I venture to think that the word "government," when coupled with the word "science," is more often used to signify that body of natural laws which regulate the "order and progress" of mankind, and a knowledge of which is essential to the successful government of a people. A knowledge of the science of astronomy, or of some portion of it, is essential to a practice of the art of navigation. A knowledge of the science of sociology, and of the other sciences which are subordinate to it (biology and sociology) are equally essential to the art of government. I venture to think, therefore, that the expression "science of government" is rather intended to signify that body of laws (included in sociology) upon which government depends. That is, evidently, the sense in which Burke uses it, for, he says, it requires "a deep knowledge of human nature and human necessities." I shall henceforth use the expression "science of government," as signifying the science of the body of laws upon which good government depends. Sir Geo. Cornewall Lewis, in his "Treatise on Politics" (vol. ii., p. 132), has spoken of "the science of the natural laws, which regulate the condition of nations, and determine their prosperity, decline, or stagnation."

11. [11] "Reign of Law," p. 384.

12. [12] "Representative Government," p. 30.

13. [13] "Political Speech" (Newcastle-on-Tyne), November 14, 1885. Note—Mr. Stanley Jevons goes into considerable detail on this point:—"At whatever the legislator aims, he must consult all those sciences whose probabilities bear upon this end. If, for instance, the matter under consideration be colliery explosions, supposed to arise from the firing of shots or blasts, there is (1) the probability that the blasting is really the cause of the explosion; (2) the probability that more efficient ventilation would render the blasting harmless; (3) that, if gunpowder were prohibited, compressed air or some other agent would be brought into successful operation; (4) that if blasting were confined to the nighttime the mines could still be worked; and so forth, until we come finally to the probability that if the mines in question were actually thrown out of use, more harm than good would result. The legislator (he adds) must look at such questions in an all-round manner. He is neither chemist, nor physicist, nor physician, nor economist, nor moralist, but all of these in some degree, and something more as well, in the sense that he must gather, to a focus, the complex calculus of probabilities, the data of which are supplied by the separate investigators." ("The State in Relation to Labour," p. 29.)

14. [14] "Sphere and Duties of Government" (Wilhelm von Humboldt), p. 5.

15. [15] "On Liberty," p. 5. Note.—Mr. Stanley Jevons has adopted the very dangerous (though ultimately true) maxim that "anything is right and expedient which adds to the sum of happiness of the community;" but he clearly sees the difficulties and dangers liable to arise from its hasty application to legislative proposals. "It is not (he says) sufficient to show, by direct experiment, or other incontestable evidence, that an addition of happiness is made. We must also assure ourselves that there is no equivalent or greater subtraction of happiness—a subtraction which may take effect either as regards other people or subsequent times. This (he adds) it need hardly be said is a more difficult matter." ("The State in Relation to Labour," p. 28.)

16. [16] "History of Civilisation," vol. i., pp. 276-7.

17. [17] "History of Civilisation," vol. i., pp. 276-7.

18. [18] "History of Civilisation," vol. i., p. 281.

19. [19] "History of Civilisation," vol. i., p. 283.

20. [20] "Man versus The State." Herbert Spencer, p. 50.

21. [21] "Man versus The State," p. 10.

22. [22] "Politics," book iii., chap. 12.

23. [23] When Macaulay was criticising the essay on Government by the elder Mill, in the Edinburgh Review, he said of Bentham's definition of the end of government, which Mill had quoted, that it was "far less precise than that which is in the mouths of the vulgar," and added, "The first man with whom Mr. Mill may travel in a stage-coach, will tell him that government exists for the protection of the persons and property of men." (Essay on "Mill on Government," March, 1829. Edinburgh Review.)

24. [24] Sir T. Erskine May, in the interesting preface to his "Democracy in Europe," says: "It should be the aim of enlightened statesmen to prepare society for its increasing responsibilities: to educate the people, to train them in the ways of freedom; to entrust them with larger franchises; to reform the laws, and to bring the government of the state into harmony with the judgment of its wisest citizens.

25. [25] "Principles of Political Economy," J. S. Mill, p. 264.

26. [26] "Principles of Political Economy," J. S. Mill, p. 264.

27. [27] "Two Treatises on Government," chap. 8.

28. [28] It has been ingeniously observed that almost simultaneously with the setting apart a special day for thanksgiving purposes on the recovery of health by the Prince of Wales, the medical man who had attended his Royal Highness was knighted for the skill he had displayed.

29. [29] Mr. Herbert Spencer has classified in the order of their importance what he calls "the leading kinds of activity which constitute human life." He places, first, those activities which directly minister to self-preservation, viz., the actions and precautions by which from moment to moment we secure personal safety; second, those which by securing the necessities of life indirectly minister to self-preservation. ("Education, Physical, Moral, and Intellectual," p. 9.)

30. [30] "Man versus The State," p. 96.

31. [31] "Two Treatises on Government," chap. 6.

32. [32] "Social Starics."

33. [33] Speech: "Political Principles," Nov. 16, 1885.

34. [34] "Misscellaneous Essays," vol. vii., p. 206.

35. [35] "Sphere and Duties of Government," p. 18.

36. [36] "Sphere and Duties of Government," p. 18.

37. [37] Speech: "Political Principles," Nov. 16, 1885.

38. [38] "Speech: "Political Principles," Nov. 16, 1885.

39. [39] Speech: "Foreign Policy," Oct. 29, 1858.

40. [40] "Letter on the Affairs of America," 1777, Works, vol. ii., p. 31.

41. [41] "Politics." Book iv., chap. 4. Book vi., chap. 2.

42. [42] "Democracy in Europe," vol. i., p. 22.

43. [43] "Democracy in Europe," vol. i., p. 3.

44. [44] "Remarks on Political Terms," 1832, p. 202.

45. [45] "Commentaries," vol. ii., p. 500. Note.—I have, in a subsequent chapter, dealt with the somewhat complex question of "rights," which this latter definition raises. That question appears to me to depend chiefly upon the view we take as to the source of our liberty. Blackstone and others consider that man, in becoming an unit of society, entirely gives up a part of his natural liberty. Sir Geo. C. Lewis and others consider that we give up all the liberty we really possessed and then have all which is considered good for society that individuals should possess, secured to us by the laws of our country. Mr. Spencer seems to adopt Blackstone's view. I defer to a subsequent chapter any detailed treatment.

46. [46] Speech: "Political Principles," 1885.

47. [47] Speech: "Political Principles," 1885.

48. [48] "Why am I a Liberal?" p. 35.

49. [49] "Why am I a Liberal?" p. 39.

50. [50] "Why am I a Liberal?" p. 41.

51. [51] "Lectures, Addresses, and Literary Remains," p 59.

52. [52] "Political Speech," 27th Nov., 1885.

53. [53] "Equality, Liberty, and Fraternity," p. 235.

54. [54] Joseph Cowen. "Political Speech," Nov. 16, 1885.

55. [55] "British Constitution," p. 100.

56. [56] "Commentaries," vol., i., p. 127.

57. [57] "Commentaries," vol. i., p. 127.

58. [58] "History of Constitutional Reform," (James Murdoch), p. 26

59. [59] "Parliamentary Reform," Collected Essays, vol. ii., p. 376.

60. [60] "Speeches on Disestablishment," Oct. 14, 1885.

61. [61] "Democracy in America."

62. [62] "Reign of Law," (Duke of Argyle), p. 339.

63. [63] "Reign of Law," p. 340.

64. [64] "Letter to Hon. H. W. Pope. Times. 14th May, 1886.

65. [65] "Principles of Political Economy," p. 309.

66. [66] "General Election (1885) Speeches," p. 248.

Chapter VI

67. [67] "At the present day," says Buckle, "eighty years after the publication of Adam Smith's 'Wealth of Nations,' there is not to be found any one of tolerable education who is not ashamed of holding opinions, which, before the time of Adam Smith, were universally received." "History of Civilisation," vol. i., p. 216.

68. [68] Buckle says of the Corn-Laws Repeal: "All that was done was to repeal the old laws and leave trade to its natural freedom;" and elsewhere, "Every great reform which has been affected, has consisted not in doing something new, but in undoing something old.... the whole scope and tendency of modern legislation is to restore things to that natural channel from which the ignorance of preceding legislation had driven them."

69. [69] "The Radical Programme," p. 4.

70. [70] "The Radical Programme," p. 33.

71. [71] "The Radical Programme," p. 33.

72. [72] The details of this act were copied from a preceding assize, dating as far back as the reign of John.

73. [73] "History of England," vol. i., p. 532.

74. [74] Hume's "History of England," chap. 16.

75. [75] 37 Edward III., chap. 3.

76. [76] Hume's "History of England," vol. ii., chap 16.

77. [77] Hume's "History of England," vol. ii., chap 16.

78. [78] Hume's "History of England," vol. ii., chap. 16.

79. [79] "Social Statics," p. 328.

80. [80] 4 Henry IV., chap. 15. 5 Henry IV., chap. 9.

81. [81] 3 Henry VII., chap. 5.

82. [82] 7 Henry VII., chap. 8.

83. [83] "History of England," vol. ii., chap. 26.

84. [84] 4 Henry VII., chap. 23.

85. [85] 11 Henry VII., chap. 13.

86. [86] "History of England," vol. ii., chap. 26.

87. [87] 4 Henry VII., chaps. 8, 9.

88. [88] 11 Henry VII., chap. 72.

89. [89] "Liberty or Law" (Wordsworth Donisthorpe), p. 20.

90. [90] Hume's "History of England," vol. iii., chap. 37.

91. [91] Hume's "History of England," vol. iii., chap. 38.

92. [92] Hume's "History of England," vol. iii., chap. 45.

93. [93] "The State in Relation to Labour" (W. Stanley Jevons), p. 37.

94. [94] History of England," (Smollett), vol. ii, chap. 26.

95. [95] Craik's "History of British Commerce," vol. i., 137.

96. [96] "Man versus The State," p. 49.

97. [97] Trant's "Trades' Unions," p. 15.

98. [98] Trant's "Trades' Unions," p. 19.

99. [99] Trant's "Trades' Unions' p. 20.

100. [100] Trant's "Trades' Unions," p. 20.

101. [101] Trant's "Trades' Union," p. 21.

102. [102] Trant's "Trades' Unions," p. 21.

103. [103] Trant's "Trades' Unions," p. 22.

104. [104] Froude's "History of England," vol, i., p. 27.

105. [105] "The Man versus The State," p. 49.

106. [106] Trant's "Trades Unions," p. 7.

107. [107] Hume's "History of England," vol. ii., chap. 16.

108. [108] "History of England," ii., 134.

109. [109] "History of England," J. A. Froude, i., 15.

110. [110] "The Man versus The State," p. 49.

111. [111] Trant's "Trades' Unions," p. 7.

112. [112] Hume's "History of England," vol. ii., p. 133.

113. [113] "Social Statics," p. 315.

114. [114] "History of Civilisation," vol. i., p. 213.

115. [115] 'History of Civilisation," vol. i., pp. 276, 277.

116. [116] "History of Civilisation," p. 283.

Chapter VII

1. [1] I have elsewhere quoted Sir George Cornewall Lewis to the effect that "if political science be properly understood...there is no reason why it should not possess the same degree of certainty which belongs to other sciences founded on observation."—Influence of Authority, p. 289.

2. [2] I have already shown elsewhere that no less than four-fifths of the legislation, from the time of Henry III. to the year 1872, has been wholly or partially repealed, and that, even of that passed in the present reign, 650 acts have been similarly treated.

3. [3] Throughout this chapter, and perhaps in some of the others, I have made a frequent use of the term "ignorant." I use this term in no offensive sense. I use the word to indicate merely a "want of knowledge" of, or an indifference to the subject in connection with which it is used. The wisest of men are ignorant of some subject; and, in speaking of the ignorance of the working-classes of such matters as those of Political Economy and Political Science, I mean only to indicate their lack of knowledge of them, without regard to other subjects concerning which they may be very well informed.

4. [4] I venture to utilise this gross inconsistency more than once, because I think it cuts at the very root of some of the more extravagant conclusions of the present Radical party.

5. [5] The Times (18th September, 1885).

6. [6] "Popular Government."

7. [7] The Reform Bill of 1832 is said to have doubled the aggregate number of voters

8. [8] "Popular Government" (Sir Henry Maine), p. 89.

9. [9] "Popular Government," p. 98.

10. [10] "Government of England," p. 352.

11. [11] "Political Progress," p. 207.

12. [12] "Liberty and Socialism," p. 20.—NOTE.—I have said a good deal regarding the efforts for class legislation which are regularly put forth by the working classes. I am of course, aware that similar efforts are, at times, made by other classes to obtain legislation in their own interest, though in a much more limited degree. What, however, calls, I think, for most attention is the persistency and the invariableness of those efforts by the former class, and the unquestionable belief, which seems to exist among them, that their own interest, as distinguished from that of the whole community, is a perfectly legitimate and honourable basis upon which to rear a legislative edifice.

13. [13] "Democracy in America," vol. i., p. 272.

14. [14] "Democracy in America," vol. i., p. 267.

15. [15] "Democracy in America," vol. i., pp. 262, 264.

16. [16] "Influence of Authority in Matters of Opinion," p. 10.

17. [17] "Influence of Authority," p. 112.

18. [18] "Influence of Authority," p. 112.

19. [19] "Influence of Authority," p. 110.

20. [20] "Influence of Authority," p. 111.

21. [21] "Influence of Authority," p. 122.

22. [22] I confess this is by no means scientific criticism, but I quote it as a finely-framed and correctly-conceived condemnation of the common practice of politicians, and even statesmen, to flatter the working-classes into a false belief as to their own wisdom and judgment in matters political. The same eloquent writer has well said: "Now, whether a man flatters the many or the few, the flatterer is a despicable character. It matters not in what age he appears: change the century you do not change the man. He who fawned upon the prince or upon the duke had something of the reptile in his character; but he who fawns upon the masses in their day of power is only a reptile which has changed the direction of its crawling. He who, in this nineteenth century, echoes the cry that the voice of the people is the voice of God, is just the man who, if he had been born two thousand years ago, would have been the loudest and hoarsest in that cringing crowd of slaves who bowed before a prince invested with the delegated majesty of Rome, and cried 'It is the voice of God, and not of a man.'"—Lectures, Addresses, and Literary Remains, p. 5.

23. [23] Truth, July 29, 1886.

24. [24] "Address on Disestablishment," The Times, October 15, 1885.

25. [25] "Man versus the State," p. 82.

26. [26] Speech: "Conservative and Liberal Principles," June 24, 1872.

27. [27] "Dissertations and Discussions," 1859, p. 380.

28. [28] "Critical and Historical Essays."

29. [29] "Social Statics," p. 364.

30. [30] "Intercolonial Trades' Union Congress Report," President's Address, p. 51.

31. [31] "Man versus The State," p. 31.

32. [32] "Intercolonial Trades' Union Congress," 1884, Official Report, p. 128.

33. [33] Order and Progress, "Function of Workmen," p. 222.

34. [34] "Principles of Political Economy," p. 572.

35. [35] "Sphere and Duties of Government." Humboldt, 1854, p. 26.

36. [36] "Man v. The State," p. 24.

37. [37] Speech, October 11, 1885.

38. [38] Speech, October 13, 1886.

39. [39] Speech at Edinburgh, November 2, 1852.

40. [40] "Popular Government," p. 127.

41. [41] "History of Civilisation," vol. i. p. 275.

42. [42] "History of Civilisation," vol. i., p. 275.

43. [43] "History of Civilisation," vol. i., p. 276.

44. [44] "History of Civilisation," vol. i., p. 283.

45. [45] "On Liberty," J. S. Mill, p. 49.

46. [46] "Man versus The State," p. 51.

47. [47] Speech at Newcastle-on-Tyne, November 27, 1885.

48. [48] Speech at Newcastle-on-Tyne, November 27, 1885.

49. [49] "Popular Government," pp. 48-50.

50. [50] "Study of Sociology," p. 16.

51. [51] "Popular Government," Sir Henry Maine, 1885, p. x., preface.

Chapter VIII

52. [52] I do not regard the somewhat despotic conduct of Geo. III., in connection with the American War, as any exception to this broad statement, for however disposed he may have felt to have his own way in opposing the colonists, he was careful to keep within constitutional limits.

53. [53] I regard as exceptions to this general rule the many nobles who identified themselves with the popular side at different stages of history, and for different purposes.

54. [54] "Primitive Property." Preface.

55. [55] Mill, in one of his "Chapters on Socialism," observes, indeed, appropos of this misconception, "Having, after long struggles, attained in some countries, and nearly attained in others, the point at which for them there is no further progress to make in the department of purely political rights, is it possible that the less fortunate classes should not ask themselves whether progress ought to stop there?"

56. [56] "Progress and Poverty," p. 227.

57. [57] "Radicalism and Ransom," (M. J. Lyons), 1885.

58. [58] "Locksley Hall and the Jubilee," Nineteenth Century (Jan. 1887.)

59. [59] "History of Civilisation," vol. i., p. 216.

60. [60] "Principles of Political Economy," p. 221.

61. [61] "Wealth of Nations," p. 281.

62. [62] "Wealth of Nations," p. 286.

63. [63] "Wealth of Nations," p. 286.

64. [64] "Social Statics," p. 376.

65. [65] The Times (October 14, 1885).

66. [66] May 15, 1885.

67. [67] "Wealth-Creation," A. Mongredian, 1882, p. 19.

68. [68] "Wealth-Creation," p. 19.

69. [69] "Wealth-Creation," p. 21.

70. [70] The Times, May 5, 1886.

71. [71] "Addresses and Literary Remains," p. 202.

72. [72] "Man versus The State," p. 59.

73. [73] 'Socialism at St. Stephen's in 1883.'

74. [74] "Theory of Legislation," p. 110

75. [75] "Theory of Legislation," p. 120.

76. [76] "I am well aware of the distinction that has been drawn by jurists and others between the nature of real and personal property, and of the claim that is made that, in the case of the former, the state has a right at any time to take it, notwithstanding the unwillingness of the proprietor. "It is," says Cowen, "argued by some that no compensation is due—that as all had equal rights to it, all still have. Admit the contention. What then? The original right was worthless. Land must be enclosed and cultivated and drained to give it value. The man or woman who did this first sold their improvements, or gave them to his or their successors—to a tribe or to a person. The land thus improved passed from one to another.... Then it may be traced back to its origin. Every successive owner did something, little or much, to add to its value, until what was once a rock became a garden, what was once a swamp or forest became a site of a factory or palace.... Some of these transfers may have come in questionable form, but purchase and possession have ripened into indefeasible titles, which can only be upset by robbers or revolution." Cowen's "Speeches," p. 51.

77. [77] "Popular Government," p. 32.

78. [78] "Popular Government," p. 102.

79. [79] "Influence of Authority in Matters of Opinion," G. C. Lewis, p. 266.

80. [80] "Republican Government," (L. L. Jennings), London, 1868, p. 83.

81. [81] "Republican Government," p. 165.

82. [82] "Democracy in the United States" (R. H. Gillet), New York.

83. [83] "Influence of Authority," p. 266.

84. [84] "Republican Government," p. 263.

85. [85] Newspaper Report of Debates.

86. [86] Speeches at Newcastle, 1885.

87. [87] Times Report, August 13, 1886.

88. [88] "Influence of Authority," p. 189.

89. [89] "Man versus The State," p. 31.

90. [90] "Municipal Socialism," W. C. Crofts, pp. 10-14.

91. [91] I am indebted for all my information, under this head, to Mr. W. C. Croft's interesting pamphlet on "Municipal Socialism."

92. [92] I am indebted for the greater part of my material drawn from the 1886 session of the House of Commons to the annual report of the Liberty and Property Defence League of London.

93. [93] "Speech," Sep. 11th, 1885, (The Times.)

94. [94] "Speech," The Times, Oct. 16, 1885.

95. [95] "Commentaries," vol. i., p. 327.

96. [96] "Man versus The State."

Chapter IX

1. [1] "Principles of Political Economy," p. 568.

2. [2] "Principles of Political Economy," p. 569.

3. [3] "Municipal and State Socialism," 1886.

4. [4] "Influence of Authority," (Sir Geo. C. Lewis) p. 217. "Influence of Authority," p. 132.

5. [5] "Principles of Political Economy," p. 570.

6. [6] "Speech," October 12, 1885.

7. [7] "Economic Socialism," Contemporary Review, November, 1886.

8. [8] "Sphere and Duties of Government," p. 11.

9. [9] "Two treatises on Government," p. 219.

10. [10] "Social Statics," p. 306.

11. [11] "Reign of Law," p. 370.

12. [12] "Two treatises on Government," p. 219.

13. [13] "Commentaries," vol. ii., p. 500.

14. [14] "Principles of Political Economy," p. 569.

15. [15] "Over-Legislation." (Collected Essays), Herbert Spencer.

16. [16] "Radical Programme," p 13.

17. [17] "Radical Programme," p. 13.

18. [18] "Speech," July 12, 1886.

19. [19] "Commentaries," vol. ii., p. 500.

20. [20] "Commentaries," vol. ii., p. 500.

21. [21] "The State in Relation to Labour," p. 8.

22. [22] "Theory of Legislation," p. 113.

23. [23] "Theory of Legislation," p. 95.

24. [24] "Jurisprudence," vol. i., p. 354.

25. [25] "Reflections on the French Revolution," vol. ii., Collected Works, p. 332.

26. [26] "Two Treatises on Government," John Locke.

27. [27] I have heard one of the most prominent of Australian politicians (who owes his reputation and success entirely to his having been considered "the friend of the working man") confess that the surest road to popularity with that class was by persuading them they were injured. I hope the charge is not universally true, but I know that the method was adopted with great success by the politician mentioned.

28. [28] "Municipal and State Socialism," p. 15

29. [29] I am well aware that the first of these three principles could, strictly speaking, be included within the second, for to impose taxes is really to interfere with property; and to use the public revenue, in which each and every citizen has an interest, practically produces a similar result; but inasmuch as the lapping of the two is not palpable, I have chosen to separate them.

30. [30] "It is not sufficient (says Professor Stanley Jevons) to show by direct experiment or other incontestable evidence that an addition of happiness is made. We must also assure ourselves that there is no equivalent or greater subtraction of happiness—a substraction which may take effect either as regards other people or subsequent times."

31. [31] As an instance of the manner in which this principle of prescription may be abused, the author of "The Radical Programme," to which I have already referred, actually claims that, inasmuch as the state has already thrown on the community at large three-fourths of the burden of maintaining state-schools, it has "admitted" that there is "a duty to provide the whole": therefore that such schools should be free! If such a contention can come from such a quarter, one would have little cause for surprise at hearing it contended that the state had, for all time, admitted the right of every poor man and every idle man to receive support from his fellowcitizens. Mr. Chamberlain has in fact already spoken of the claim to such assistance as "a right."

32. [32] "Influence of Authority in Matters of Opinion," p. 164.

33. [33] "Social Statics," p. 341.

34. [34] "Man versus The State," p. 19.

35. [35] "Principles of Political Economy," p. 584.

36. [36] "Popular Government," p. 49.

37. [37] Speech at Edinburgh, October, 1885.

38. [38] Quoted by Mr. Herbert Spencer in "The Man versus The State," p. 58.

39. [39] Fawcett says, "It would not be safe to conclude that the Poor law ought to be abolished because of the Socialism which attaches to the system. Such a question ought to be determined by a careful balancing of advantages and disadvantages; and we believe that when this is done the conclusion will be that the abolition of the poor law, from the stimulus which would be given to all the evils associated with indiscriminate charity, would produce consequences which would be far more serious than any mischief which results from a poor law system, when carefully and properly administered." "Principles of Political Economy," p. 298.

40. [40] "Social Statics," p. 306.

41. [41] "Radical Programme," p. 52.

42. [42] "Radical Programme," p. 107.

43. [43] "Social Statics," p. 367.

44. [44] "Man versus The State," p. 27.

45. [45] "Social Statics," p. 379.

46. [46] "Sphere and Duties of Government," p. 69.

47. [47] "The Man versus The State," p. 31.

48. [48] "Lay Sermons, Addresses, and Reviews" (Thomas Henry Huxley), 1870.

49. [49] "Social Statics," p. 361.

50. [50] "Sphere and Duties of Government," p. 71.

51. [51] "Wealth of Nations," p. 328.

52. [52] "Wealth of Nations," p. 329.

53. [53] "Principles of Political Economy," p. 577.

54. [54] "Principles of Political Economy," p. 576.

55. [55] "Liberal Manifesto." September, 1885.

56. [56] "Political Speech." October, 1885.

57. [57] "Manual of Political Economy," p. 299.

58. [58] "Political Speech." October, 1885

59. [59] The whole of this "alternative proposition," as it is called, is significantly printed in italics in the original.

60. [60] "Manual of Political Economy," p. 286.

61. [61] As an illustration of the absurd extremes to which this notion of "rights" can be carried, under excitement, an American writer on the subject of Democracy, states that, in the manifesto of a new journal, published in Chicago in the working man's interest, it was broadly affirmed that "there are no rights but the rights of labour."

62. [62] "Lay Sermons, Addresses, and Reviews," p 47.

63. [63] "The Radical Programme," p. 32.

64. [64] "Collected Speeches," p. 50, 51.

65. [65] In the Times of August 12, 1886, there is a report of a meeting of the shareholders of "The Small Farm and Labourers' Company," by which it would appear that, without resort to state assistance, but by private enterprise, a number of small farmers had been settled upon the various subdivisions of a large estate which had been purchased and cut up for the purpose. The chairman announced that, in addition to the good they had done the small settlers, they could pay a dividend of five per cent. to the shareholders. Lord Wantage, who spoke at the meeting, said: "Messrs. Chamberlain and J. Collings were in favour of legislation on the subject, and they had promised to throw on the rates the risk and burden of doing for the labourers that which the labourers could perfectly well do for themselves."

66. [66] Figures have been published by the N. S. W. Government to show that the absolute alienation of the public lands had cost the state 16 per cent. of the whole purchase money. The percentage on collecting rents would be, of course, less, but would occur more frequently.

67. [67] Professor Fawcett's "Manual of Political Economy," p. 284, 5.

68. [68] This actual condition of things has been already realised in some of the Australian colonies. In New South Wales and Victoria, on more than one occasion, the question of whether a candidate would advocate "remission of interest" on selections has been made the crucial test of his fitness for election; and as it has been found an inexpensive proceeding to promise to be "liberal" with other people's money, candidates have not been wanting to avail themselves of it. I believe in the latter colony the remission actually took place, and I have already referred to the case of a colonial minister practically promising post ponement of interest on advances made to trusts for irrigating certain farm lands (see p. 405). The South Australian public records show that on one occasion a large number of balances of the actual purchase money owing on state lands were remitted by parliament, in response to political agitation, such as Professor Fawcett describes. The balances thus remitted, amounted in the aggregate, I believe, to upwards of half a million of money.

69. [69] "Manual of Political Economy," p. 285.

70. [70] "The Radical Programme," p. 55.

71. [71] "Social Statics," pp. 306-308.

72. [72] It must always be a matter for consideration whether, in the building and maintenance of vessels of war, and the manufacture of armaments, the state cannot fulfil its requirements more economically by private enterprise, than by the establishment of works of its own.

73. [73] "On Liberty," p. 64.

74. [74] See "On Liberty," p. 64, Mill's "Political Economy," p. 577. Collected Essays, by Herbert Spencer, vol. ii., p. 87, "Wealth of Nations," p. 280.

75. [75] "Political Economy," p. 289.

76. [76] Some idea of the incentives to economy and safety, in the management of the railway companies of Great Britain, may be obtained, by a glance at the numerous annual comparative tables which are published in Whittaker's Almanac, concerning the periodical results of those companies. The managing body of each is constantly being spurred into increased activity and better judgment, by seeing their own results, side by side with those of others, not only as to the amount of dividends paid, but as to the per centage of the working expenses on the earnings (carried out even to decimals); the number of lives lost and persons injured; the amount of compensation paid; and a number of other particulars, which I have not room to detail—all of which constitute an ever-present guage, as to what can be done.

77. [77] "Southey's Colloquies on Society" (Collected Essays), p 109.

78. [78] "Municipal Socialism" (W. C. Crofts), p. 39.

79. [79] "Over-Legislation in 1884," p. 38.

80. [80] "Municipal Socialism" (W. C. Crofts), p. 42.

81. [81] "Jus" (Individualist Newspaper), January 7, 1887.

82. [82] Certain suburbs of one particular Australian city afford an example of the effect of municipalities confining themselves to saying that every citizen shall pave the footpath in front of his house, without themselves carrying out the work. The result is that as many as six different kinds of pavement may be seen opposite contiguous houses. Some uniformity is at least desirable in such a matter.

83. [83] "Social Statics," p. 406.

84. [84] NOTE.—Although I have mentioned here the effect this legislative interference has had upon the individual liberty of the citizen wishing to purchase or to sell, my chief reason for dealing with it under the second of the three principles which I have laid down is to show in what way, and to what extent it interferes with the property of citizens.

85. [85] This has reference to the Victorian act, which prohibits the work-people from eating their dinner in the workroom.

86. [86] The late Professor Fawcett protested (Speech, July 30, 1873), against state-interference with adult women's labour, on the ground that there was no more justification for it than there was for interfering with the labour of men.

87. [87] For further treatment of this subject, see p. 335 et seq.

88. [88] "The Basis of Individualism" (Wordsworth Donisthorpe), Westminster Review July, 1886.

89. [89] It will, of course, be understood that I am not attempting to prescribe, what may be considered, the "spiritual requirements" of a "happy" life. Considerations of that nature are distinctly supplementary to those of a purely mundane character, to which I have confined my observations.

Chapter X

1. [1] The Times (Paris Correspondent).

2. [2] "French and German Socialism" (Professor R. T. Ely), p. 27.

3. [3] "French and German Socialism" (Professor R. T. Ely), p. 27.

4. [4] "Socialism in England" (H. M. Hyndman), North American Review, Sept. 1886.

5. [5] "Socialism in England" (H. M. Hyndman), North American Review, Sept. 1886.

6. [6] "Socialism in England" (H. M. Hyndman), North American Review, Sept. 1886.

7. [7] "Primitive Property." Preface, p. xxvi.

8. [8] "Primitive Property." Preface.

9. [9] "Principles of Political Economy," p. 128.

10. [10] "Principles of Political Economy," p. 129.

11. [11] What I have shown to be the condition of public opinion among the masses in Paris, can be shown also regarding Germany and Russia, though in the former the expressions of discontent have not taken so violent a form.

12. [12] This very observation of Bolingbroke's has, in a different form, been anticipated by Aristotle. "The legislator (he says) ought to know that he should consult the experience of long time, and of many years, which would plainly enough inform him whether such a scheme is useful: for almost all things have already been found out.' "Politics," book ii., chap. 5.

13. [13] There is an excellent note to this part of the text, in my edition of Aristotle's "Politics." It is so pertinent that I quote it. "We have here," says the Editor (Dr. Gillies), "almost a Christian argument against the ideal community of goods proposed by Socrates. In a state, where the principle of unity is thus carried out, it will be impossible to exercise the social duties of liberality, kindness, etc.; and there will be no room for the virtues of benevolence, charity, modesty, etc. But virtue cannot exist, if its proper objects are withdrawn; this result, then, shows that, however fair and plausible such an Utopian theory may be, it is contrary to the nature of man, and therefore false in principle."

14. [14] "Socialism and Communism" (Rev. M. Kaufmann, M. A.), p. 7.

15. [15] "Socialism and Communism," p. 12.

16. [16] "Socialism and Communism," p. 19.

17. [17] "Socialism and Communism," p. 23.

18. [18] "Socialism and Communism," p. 39.

19. [19] "The former of these are said to have derived their name from Peter Waldo, a Lyons merchant, who led an influential party, eager for a reform in the corruptions of the clergy. The latter also derived their name from their founder—Fratres Minores.

20. [20] "Socialism and Communism," p. 55.

21. [21] "Socialism and Communism," p. 64.

22. [22] "Socialism and Communism," p. 66.

23. [23] "Socialism and Communism," p. 91

24. [24] "Socialism and Communism," p. 95.

25. [25] "Socialism and Communism," p. 104.

26. [26] "Socialism and Communism," p. 115.

27. [27] "Socialism and Communism," p. 120.

28. [28] "Socialism and Communism," p. 122.

29. [29] Southey had considerable sympathy with Socialist principles, as can be seen by a reference to his "Colloquies on Society," which were so severely handled by Macaulay.

30. [30] "Socialism and Communism," p. 135.

31. [31] "Socialism and Communism," p. 138

32. [32] "History of Paraguay" (C. A. Washburn, New York, 1871) vol. i., p. 66.

33. [33] "Principles of Political Economy," p. 131. NOTE.—I take this opportunity of acknowledging my great indebtedness to Mr. Kaufmann for the facts contained in his interesting volume.

34. [34] I am bound to say, at the risk of being considered presumptuous, that although willing to admit the industry and research involved in M. de Laveleye's work I cannot but think that the subject is anything but philosophically treated.

35. [35] "Primitive Property," p. 7.

36. [36] "Primitive Property," p. 26

37. [37] "Primitive Property," p. 30.

38. [38] "Primitive Property," p. 35.

39. [39] "Primitive Property," p. 44.

40. [40] "Primitive Property," p. 57.

41. [41] "Primitive Property," p. 62.

42. [42] "Primitive Property," p. 72.

43. [43] "Primitive Property," p. 77.

44. [44] "Primitive Property," p. 78.

45. [45] "Primitive Property," p. 86.

46. [46] "Primitive Property," p. 82.

47. [47] "Primitive Property," p. 97.

48. [48] "Primitive Property," p. 99.

49. [49] "Primitive Property," p. 102.

50. [50] This quotation from Cæsar really refers to the Suevi; but M. Laveleye adds—"These are the habitual features characteristic of the economic condition of the German tribes;" so I am justified in using the extract as descriptive of the condition of things under the German Mark.

51. [51] "Primitive Property," p. 117.

52. [52] "Primitive Property," p. 19.

53. [53] "Primitive Property," p. 116.

54. [54] "Primitive Property," p. 35.

55. [55] "Primitive Property," p. 35.

56. [56] "Primitive Property," p. 122.

57. [57] "Primitive Property," p. 133.

58. [58] "Primitive Property," p. 177.

59. [59] 'Primitive Property" (Preface), p. xlii.

60. [60] "French and German Socialism in Modern Times" (Richard P. Ely, Ph. D.), Trübner and Co., 1885.

61. [61] "Socialism as presented by Kaufmann."

62. [62] "French and German Socialism," p. 3.

63. [63] "Rousseau" (John Morley, 1873), vol. i., p. 192.

64. [64] "French and German Socialism," p. 7.

65. [65] "French and German Socialism," p. 11.

66. [66] "French and German Socialism," p. 20

67. [67] "Principles of Political Economy," p. 125.

68. [68] "Principles of Political Economy," p. 130.

69. [69] Contemporary Review, April, 1883.

70. [70] I have already referred to De Tocqueville's statement, in which he said: "If ever the free institutions of America are destroyed, that event may be attributed to the unlimited authority of the majority, which may at some future time urge the minorities to desperation, and oblige them to have recourse to physical force.

71. [71] "French and German Socialism," p. 53.

72. [72] "French and German Socialism," p. 54.

73. [73] "French and German Socialism," p. 55.

74. [74] See "General View of Positivism," Auguste Comte. Trubner and Co., 1865.

75. [75] "French and German Socialism," p. 59.

76. [76] "French and German Socialism," p. 61.

77. [77] "French and German Socialism," p. 64.

78. [78] These two words occupy a small space, but they beg the whole question. One can imagine what that "so managed" would be in a country like America, with its fifty millions of people to have allotted to them "each according to his works." The contemplation alone is bewildering.

79. [79] "Principles of Political Economy," p. 125.

80. [80] "French and German Socialism," p. 34.

81. [81] I am indebted for most of the above summary to the Rev. M. Kaufmann's interesting work, "Socialism: its Nature; its Dangers; and its Remedies considered."

82. [82] "French and German Socialism," p. 38.

83. [83] "Principles of Political Economy," p. 131.

84. [84] "French and German Socialism," p. 85.

85. [85] "French and German Socialism," p. 87.

86. [86] "French and German Socialism," p. 87.

87. [87] "French and German Socialism," p. 95. NOTE.—Professor Ely has set out at length Fourier's calculation. One might almost imagine, on reading it, that Fourier intended to apply his Socialist theories to the fowls themselves. It does not appear to have occurred to him that the production of nearly a billion pounds worth of eggs would somewhat glut the market! Nor does it seem to have occurred to him that, if so much money could be so easily made out of eggs, he had wasted his time by waiting twelve years for a million francs to enable him to make his first experiment. Moreover, if money were so easily made, it is difficult to understand why he was so anxious to interfere with existing institutions!

88. [88] See "History of American Socialism" (J. H. Noyes), 1870.

89. [89] "French and German Socialism," p. 125.

90. [90] "French and German Socialism," p. 166.

91. [91] "French and German Socialism," p. 119.

92. [92] "French and German Socialism," p. 173.

93. [93] "French and German Socialism," p. 168.

94. [94] "French and German Socialism," p. 102.

95. [95] "French and German Socialism," p. 202.

96. [96] John Rae, Contemporary Review, June, 1881. Quoted by Professor Ely ("French and German Socialism").

97. [97] "Lectures on an Entirely New State of Society," Robert Owen, p. 57.

98. [98] Lecture, p. 145.

99. [99] "Socialism and Communism," p. 147.

100. [100] "Socialism and Communism," p. 167

101. [101] I am indebted principally to Mr. Charles Nordhoff's "Communistic Societies of the United States" (1875) for the greater part of my information regarding these communities.

102. [102] "Socialism and Communism," p. 152.

103. [103] "Communistic Societies of the United States."

104. [104] For interesting accounts of this sect see Hepworth Dixon's "New America" and Mr. Howell's charming novel, "The Undiscovered Country."

105. [105] "Socialism and Communism," p. 154.

106. [106] Quoted by Mr. Kaufmann.

107. [107] Quoted by Mr. Kaufmann.

108. [108] "Socialism and Communism," p. 162.

109. [109] "Communistic Societies of the United States."

110. [110] "Socialism and Communism," p. 177.

111. [111] "Communistic Societies of the United States."

112. [112] "Communistic Societies of the United States."

113. [113] "English and French Socialism," p. 48.

114. [114] "English and French Socialism," p. 48.

115. [115] "American Socialisms," (Trübner) 1870.

116. [116] "American Socialisms," page 647.

117. [117] "Principles of Political Economy." p. 128.

118. [118] "Principles of Political Economy," p. 129.

119. [119] "Principles of Political Economy," p. 130.

120. [120] "Principles of Political Economy," p. 130.

121. [121] "Democracy in Europe." Introduction, p. lxv.

122. [122] "Chapters on Socialism" (J. S. Mill).—Fortnightly Review, February, 1879.

123. [123] "Chapters on Socialism."

124. [124] "Chapters on Socialism."

125. [125] "Chapters on Socialism."

126. [126] "Chapters on Socialism."

127. [127] Speech at Liverpool, October 19th, 1886.

End of Notes

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