Fabian Essays in Socialism
1.  In the year ending April, 1889, the number of lectures delivered by members of the Fabian Society alone was upward of 700.
The Basis of Socialism, Historic, by Sidney Webb.
2.  This essay discusses only the development of the Socialist ideal in the present century. It should be remembered, however, that Socialism is an evolution of the history of the world. It finds historic roots in the Greek commonwealth, the Jewish Theocracy, the Communism of the early Christian Church.—Am. Ed.
3.  See Socialism in England (American Economic Association, vol. iv., part 2, May, 1889), in which a portion of this essay has been embodied.
4.  "I am aware that there are some who suppose that our present bourgeois arrangements must be totally destroyed and others substituted almost at a blow. But however successful a revolution might be, it is certain that mankind cannot change its whole nature all at once. Break the old shell, certainly; but never forget the fact that the new forms must grow out of the old" (H. M. Hyndman, Historical Basis of Socialism, 1883, p. 305.
5.  See the article on Socialism in English Politics by William Clarke, in the Political Science Quarterly, December, 1888.
6.  Even Bentham said this of James Mill (Bain's life of J. M., p. 461), of whom it was hardly true.
7.  Principles of Political Economy, last edition, 1865, p. 477 (quoting from Feugueray).
8.  Referred to in a celebrated passage by Adam Smith, Wealth of Nations, book I, chap. viii.
9.  Not to mention the restrictions imposed by the law of "Settlement" (13 and 14 Charles II., chap. 12), which enabled two justices summarily to send back to his village any migrating laborer.
10.  This ought to be 1550. Says Prof. Rogers (Work and Wages, p. 326. Am. ed.): "I have stated more than once that the fifteenth century and the first quarter of the sixteenth were the golden age of the English laborer, if we are to interpret the wages which he earned by the cost of the necessaries of life. At no time were wages, relatively speaking, so high, and at no time was food so cheap."—(Note by Amer. Editor).
11.  This was noticed by Malthus, Principles of Political Economy, p. 225; see also Professor Thorold Rogers, History of Agriculture and Prices, and six Centuries of Work and Wages.
12.  Further detail will be found in the following essay. See also Arnold Toynbee's Industrial Revolution. (Humboldt Pub. Co.)
13.  Between 1801—1845 the population of Manchester grew 109 per cent., Glasgow 108 per cent., Liverpool 100 per cent., and Leeds 99 per cent. (Report of Commissioners on State of Health of Large Towns, 1843-5).
14.  W. J. Lecky, History of the Eighteenth Century, vol. v., p. 453.
15.  The number of registered electors at the date of the last Election (1886) was 5,707,823, out of an adult male population of over nine millions.
16.  Few, however, of Mr. Spencer's followers appear to realize that he presupposes Land Nationalization as the necessary condition of an Individualist community (see Economics of Herbert Spencer, Humboldt Pub. Co.)
17.  It is sometimes asserted now-a-days that the current descriptions of factory life under the régime of freedom of contract are much exaggerated. This is not the case. The horrors revealed in the reports of official inquiries even exceed those commonly quoted. For a full account of the legislation, and the facts on which it was founded, see Von Plener's English Factory Legislation. The chief official reports are those of the House of Commons Committee of 1815-6, House of Lords Committee, 1819, and Royal Commission, 1840. Marx (Capital) gives many other references. (Humboldt Pub. Co.). See also F. Engel's Condition of the English Working Classes. (N. Y. Labor News Co.)
18.  Professor H. S. Foxwell (University College, London), p. 249 of Essay in The Claims of Labor (Edinburgh: Coöperative Printing Company, 1886).
19.  This statement, though generally true of England, is not absolutely so. It needed an Act of Parliament in 1758 (32 George II., c. 61) to free the inhabitants of the "village" of Manchester from the obligation to grind all their corn and grain at the manorial watermills (Clifford's History of Private Bill Legislation, vol. II., p. 478). Even so late as 1809 they had to obtain the consent of Sir Oswald Mosley, the lord of the manor, before a company could be incorporated to provide a water supply (Ibid, p. 480). Leeds was theoretically compelled to grind its corn, grain and malt at the lord's mills down to 1839, and actually had then to pay £13,000 to extinguish this feudal "due" (Ibid, p. 498).
20.  See its organ, the Church Reformer. London: 8 Duke Street, Adelphi.
21.  See The Socialism and Unsocialism of Carlyle, vols. 3 and 4, of this series.
22.  The beginning of factory legislation is to be found in the "Morals and Health Act," 42 Geo. III., c. 73 (1802). Others followed in 1819. 1825, and 1831; but their provisions were almost entirely evaded owing to the absence of inspectors. After the Reform Bill more stringent enactments in 1833, 1844, and 1847 secured some improvement. The Act of 1878 consolidated the law on the subject. The Radical and Socialist proposals for further development in this direction will be found at page 55. Nearly 400 Local Improvement Acts had been passed up to 1845. In the succeeding years various general Acts were passed, which were hence-forth incorporated by reference in all local Acts. The first "Public Health Act" was passed in 1848; and successive extensions were given to this restrictive legislation with sanitary ends in 1855, 1858, 1861, and 1866. Consolidating Acts in 1871, and finally in 1875, complete the present sanitary code, which now forms a thick volume of restrictions upon the free use of land and capital.
23.  The minimum income chargeable to Income Tax (£150) closely corresponds with the average family income. See Fabian Tract. No. 5, Facts for Socialists.
24.  See The Progress of Socialism. (London; The Modern Press, 13 Paternoster Row, E. C. Price One Penny.)
25.  We have in the United States more Socialism than is usually recognized. Our public schools, postal service, state hospitals, asylums, colleges, our labor and agricultural bureaus, our fishery commissions, our municipal fire departments, water supplies, electric plants, gas works, every factory law, health regulation, and school requirement, these and a hundred other things are distinctly socialistic. The tendency is rapidly increasing. Those who doubt that these things are truly socialistic, should read the individualistic A Plea for Liberty, where all the above are denounced as tending to Socialism.—Am. Ed.
26.  Government Return for 1887-8, see Board of Trade Journal, January, 1889, p. 76-8.
27.  It is not generally known that the Corporation of London actually carried on the business of fire insurance from 1681 to 1683, but was compelled to abandon it through the opposition of those interested in private undertakings, who finally obtained a mandamus in the Court of King's Bench to restrain their civic competitor (Walford's Insurance Cyclopadia, vol. III., pp. 446-455).
28.  C-5,550, p. 436. This, by the way, is just about one year's rental. We pay every year to the landlords for permission to live in England as much as the whole outstanding cost of the magnificent property of the local governing authorities.
29.  See The Government Organization of Labor, Report by a Committee of the Fabian Society, 1886.
30.  See Report of Annual Meeting at Birmingham, September, 1888.
31.  See resolutions adopted by the Council, at the instance of the Executive and General Committees, February 8th, 1889. (Daily News, 9th February). Professor Stuart, M.P., has now introduced a Bill embodying these astonishing proposals.
32.  It is interesting to compare this program, with its primary insistence on economic and social reform, with the bare political character of the "Five Points" of the Chartists, viz., Manhood Suffrage, Vote by Ballot, Annual Parliaments, Payment of Members relieved from the property qualification, and Equal Electoral Districts.
33.  In America, employers' liability laws, anti-Pinkerton bills, the prohibition of money fines, protection to life and limb, the limitation of child labor, women to be paid as men for equal work, are insisted on by Socialists.
34.  The providing of school children with free books and at least one free meal is now being insisted upon by Socialists. In America the raising of the school age is strenuously demanded.—Am. Ed.
35.  In America the abolition of the convict contract labor laws is demanded, if not the abolition of the whole contract system.—Am. Ed.
36.  It need hardly be said that schemes of "free land," peasant proprietorship, or leasehold enfranchisement, find no place in the modern program of the Socialist Radical, or Social Democrat. They are survivals of the Individualistic Radicalism which is passing away. Candidates seeking a popular "cry" more and more avoid these reactionary proposals.
37.  "Autobiography," p. 231-2. See No. 2, of this Social Science Library.
38.  For a forecast of the difficulties which this program will have to encounter, as its full scope and intention become more clearly realized, see the eighth essay in this volume, by Hubert Bland.
39.  In America, Socialists demand at once the popular election of President and Senate, and the nationalization of means of transportation and communication.—Am. Ed.
40.  See Darwinism and Politics, by D. G. Ritchie, Fellow and Tutor of Jesus College, Oxford. Humboldt Library, No. 125.
41.  "The social problem of the future we considered to be, how to unite the greatest individual liberty of action with a common ownership in the raw material of the globe and an equal participation of all in the benefits of combined labor........ Our ideal of ultimate improvement is far beyond Democracy and would class us decidedly under the general designation of Socialists"—Autobiography, Chap. VII.—Am. Ed.
42.  Rev. F. W. Aveling, Principal of Taunton Independent College, in leaflet Down with the Socialists, August, 1888. See also Professor H. Sidgwick on Economic Socialism, Contemporary Review, November, 1886.
43.  That is to say, unfortunately, in nearly all the utterances which profess to guide our social and political action.
44.  In America the case is nearly the same. Few American professors call themselves Socialists, but most of them call each other so. Prof. R. T. Ely, of Johns Hopkins University, is generally so considered. Prof. H. C. Adams, of Ann Arbor, says, "The authority of the English (Laissez Faire) Economics is shattered beyond recovery."—Am. Ed.
45.  Contemporary Review, February, 1888.
46.  Social Statics, passim.
47.  See Professor Leone Levi's letter to the Times, 13th August, 1886, and Mr. Frederic Harrison's speech at the Industrial Remuneration Conference held in January, 1885 (Report, p. 429).
48.  See Report of the Lambeth Episcopal Conference, 1888; subject Socialism: also the proceedings of the Central Conference of Diocesan Councils, June, 1889 (paper on Socialism by Canon Furse), [also Socialism in the Church of England, by Rev. W. D. P. Bliss. Andover Review, Nov., 1888.]
The Basis of Socialism, Industrial, by William Clarke.
49.  It is not without significance that 1776 saw both the publication of Adam Smith's individualistic Wealth of Nations and the Declaration of American Independence.—Am. Ed.
50.  See Recent Economic Changes, by D. A. Wells.—Am. Ed.
51.  This refers to spinning wool. The displacement in cotton spinning is as great as eleven hundred to one.—Am. Ed.
52.  Enc. Brit., art. "Cotton."
53.  English parishes sold orphan and pauper children to the manufacturers, and at least in one case, manufacturers bargained to take one idiot child for every so many sound ones.—Am. Ed.
54.  History of the Eighteenth Century, I, 202.
55.  See the evidence contained in Vol. I, of Mr. Morse Stephen's History of the French Revolution.
56.  History of the Eighteenth Century, iv., 450.
57.  If railroad corporations in America continue to be absorbed at the rate they did in the twelve months previous to the last report of the Interstate Commerce Commission, two years and a half will see only two railroad companies in the United States.—Am. Ed.
58.  Some Leading Principles of Political Economy, p. 32.
59.  The American Commonwealth, iii, note on p. 421.
60.  Present Christian Socialism both in England and America goes much further and is really socialistic. With the spirit of Maurice and Kingsley, it combines the economics of Marx, Rodbertus, or at least Schaeffle.—Am. Ed.
61.  Encyclopædia Britannica: Art., "Political Economy."
62.  Mulhall: Dictionary of Statistics.
63.  "Lords of Industry." North American Review, June, 1884.
64.  Quarterly Journal of Economics, July, 1889.
65.  See Monopolies and the People by Baker. (G. P. Putnam's Sons.)
66.  Report of Senate Committee, p. 419.
67.  The Cotton-seed Oil Trust, the Linseed Oil Trust, and the White Lead Trust are all controlled by the same man who controls the Standard Oil Trust, viz.: J. D. Rockefeller.—Am. Ed.
68.  Report of Senate Committee, p. 233, et. seq.
69.  Report, p. 244.
70.  Report of Senate Committee, p. 305.
71.  Report of Senate Committee, p. 497.
72.  Some economists, like Prof. Ely, a little afraid of Socialism, say we do not need full Socialism, but only the nationalization and municipalization of "natural monopolies," such as railroads, telegraphs, gas and electric lighting, etc. But what are "natural monopolies?" Is not this a very convenient and yet unscientific phrase, like "natural rights?" Are not all monopolies natural? Some trades are more easily monopolized than others, but does not the study of Trusts show that all trades tend to monopolization, and that, therefore, the Socialists are right in urging that gradually and eventually, their principles be extended to all trades. The nationalization of "natural monopolies" means eventually the nationalization of all. Socialists need not quarrel with Prof. Ely.—Am. Ed.
73.  American Socialists say, "Combination is inevitable. Production on a large scale is wise. The only question is shall we have a combination of the money bags or combination of the people. The question is not combinations versus competition, but Socialism versus Plutocracy."—Am. Ed.
74.  It would seem that in the United States, judging from the almost entire substitution of competition by combination in most large industries through the working of the Trusts, society there at least is ripe enough for evolutionary social transformation.—Am. Ed.
75.  This is admitted by David A. Wells in his last book, Recent Economic Changes.
The Basis of Socialism, Moral, by Sydney Olivier.
76.  Many Socialists would not accept this statement of the moral basis of Socialism. Christian Socialists in particular, find a very different "moral basis." But all Socialists believe in some moral basis, and their constant appeal to the moral sense has been marked and has formed the strongest point in their claims.—Am. Ed.
77.  The Quintessence of Socialism. Humboldt Library, No. 124.
78.  e.g., see Communism and Socialism, by Theodore D. Woolsey.
79.  Many Socialists, including all Christian Socialists, believe that environment (in its largest sense) is only one among other elements that go to produce and modify character. To Christian Socialists, Socialism is not "the process" but a part of "The Way." See Civilization: its Cause and Cure, by Ed. Carpenter. (Humboldt Publishing Co.)—Am. Ed.
80.  Socialism itself will be of value simply because it will lead to Individualism. Oscar Wilde, in The Soul of Man Under Socialism. (Humboldt Pub. Co., No. 147.)
81.  To the intelligent Socialist this phrase has, of course, no meaning. But against the non-Socialist who employs it it may be legitimately used, ad captandum.
82.  Col. North.—Am. Ed.
83.  See National Review for February, 1888, "Are Rich Land-owners Idle?" by Lady Janetta Manners (now Duchess of Rutland).
84.  The Trusts will prevent the recurrence of any more industrial crises in the United States.—Am. Ed.
The Basis of Socialism, Economic, by G. Bernard Shaw.
85.  To many Socialists, this State comes not in place of all that is past, but rather to fulfill the past.—Am. Ed.
86.  Principles of Political Economy, Vol. I., Index to chap. xvi. (1865).
87.  Manual of Political Economy, Book II., chap. iii., p. 116 (1876).
88.  Economics of Industry, Book II., chap. iii., sec. 3, p. 84 (1879).
89.  Principles of Political Economy, Book II., chap. vii., p. 301 (1883).
90.  Brief Text Book of Political Economy, chap. ii., sec. 216, p. 173 (1885).
91.  Principles of Political Economy and Taxation, chap. ii., p. 34 (1817).
92.  See Money and the Mechanism of Exchange, by W. S. Jevons, F. R. S. (Humboldt Publishing Co.)—Am. Ed.
93.  With supply and demand exactly equal, the average amount of social labor crystallized in a commodity constitutes its value.—Am. Ed.
94.  Profit is here used colloquially to denote the excess of the value of an article over its cost.
95.  When one of the conditions of earning a wage is the keeping up of a certain state, subsistence wages may reach a figure to which the term seems ludicrously inappropriate. For example, a fashionable physician in London cannot save out of £1,000 a year; and the post of Lord Lieutenant of Ireland can only be filled by a man who brings considerable private means to the aid of his official salary of £20,000.
96.  The current rate must, under present conditions, eventually fall to zero, and even become "negative." By that time shares which now bring in a dividend of 100 per cent., may very possibly bring in 200 or more. Yet the fall of the rate has been mistaken for a tendency of interest to disappear. It really indicates a tendency of interest to increase.—Am. Ed.
97.  Witness the anti-immigration sentiment now appearing in the United States.—Am. Ed.
98.  This excess of the product of labor over its price is treated as a single category with impressive effect by Karl Marx, who called it "surplus value" (mehrwerth). See Capital (Humboldt Pub. Co.)
99.  Under the present system of competition "survival of the fittest" is "survival of the cheapest." The Chinaman easily lives where the American starves.—Am. Ed.
The Organization of Society, Property under Socialism, by Graham Wallas
1.  Woman and Socialism, by August Bebel. (Humboldt Pub. Co.)
2.  Lectures on Jurisprudence. Lecture XLVIII.
3.  There may be always separate homes and yet public cooking. The cook-stove is not the center of the home.—Am. Ed.
4.  One of the strongest claims of Socialism is that it would give economic independence to woman as to man, and economic independence for both women and men is the key to all independence.—Am. Ed.
5.  Published by United States Book Co.
6.  The fact that each able-bodied immigrant could produce much more than his keep for many years to come in the United States at least, makes this danger very little, especially in view that the revolution will be international.—Am. Ed.
7.  Thus a true Nationalism is necessary as the basis of a true Internationalism. Internationalists object not to the true but to false Nationalism.—Am. Ed.
8.  Happily, the ordinary anxieties as to the fate of children left without property, especially weaklings or women unlikely to attract husbands, may be left out of account in speculations concerning socialized communities.
9.  Principles of Political Economy, p. 435.
10.  New York City spends more for policemen than she does for education.—Am. Ed.
11.  This is to many the supreme result of Socialism, that to every man willing to work it will assure the possibility of earning an honest living.—Am. Ed.
The Organization of Society, Industry under Socialism, by Annie Besant
12.  Of England this may prove true, although unlikely; in the United States the transition is much more apt to be abrupt enough to be a distinct social metamorphosis—Am. Ed.
13.  The duty of Government (State or municipal) to employ the unemployed is coming more and more of late to be admitted, and is being forced upon the attention of all.—Am. Ed.
14.  This should be carefully remembered in discussing such schemes as Gen. Booth's.—Am. Ed.
15.  In America this should begin with national control of the coal mines, as affording the necessity both of life and of manufactures.—Am. Ed.
16.  It will be found, we believe, in America necessary to blend national Trade Councils with Communal Councils.—Am. Ed.
17.  This would furnish the means for the absolute assurance of free thought.—Am. Ed.
18.  This is an absolutely vital point in the employment of the unemployed in America. We want no statism resting on pauper labor.—Am. Ed.
19.  This arrangement will not need to last long. As the Socialist feeling develops, men will come to serve the public more and more for honor, and not for money, as in Athens, etc., etc.—Am. Ed.
20.  People say Socialism would not work because men are naturally lazy. But under Socialism, as now, men would have to work, not driven by the State, but in order to earn a living, only then they could be sure of a chance to work, as they are not sure now.—Am. Ed.
The Transition to Social Democracy, Transition, by G. Bernard Shaw
21.  An address delivered on the 7th September, 1888, to the Economic Section of the British Association at Bath.
22.  Many and many an American town as well as city knows men who, personally spotless in character, build churches and found libraries, and for every "public benefaction" cut down the wages of their employees.—Am. Ed.
23.  Explained in the first essay in this volume.
24.  See page 46-50.
25.  Principles of Political Economy, chap. xxiv., p. 202.
26.  Theory of Political Economy. By W. Stanley Jevons (London. Macmillan and Co.). See also The Alphabet of Economic Science. Part by Philip H. Wicksteed. (Same publishers.)
27.  See pp. 137-144 ante.
28.  See Capital, by Karl Marx. (Humboldt Publishing Co.)
29.  As do few of the American Socialists.—Am. Ed.
30.  To a large extent the State should be the people themselves, the people organized. Socialism should make much of the Saxon Folk Mote, the New England township idea.—Am. Ed.
31.  In America, land will be last in the order of nationalization.—Am. Ed.
32.  The general impression that the old Poor Law had become an indefensible nuisance is a correct one. All attempts to mitigate Individualism by philanthropy instead of replacing it by Socialism are foredoomed to confusion.
33.  See Final Report of Royal Commission on Trade Unions, 1869. Vol. i., p. xvii, sec. 46.
34.  See Mr. Robert Giffen's address on "The Recent Rate of Material Progress in England." Proceedings of the British Association at Manchester in 1887, page 806.
35.  See Mr. Robert Giffen on Import and Export Statistics, Essays on Finance, Second Series, p. 194. (London: G. Bell and Sons. 1886.)
36.  It is a mistake, however, hence to infer that the Socialism of Industry must wait till the governmental machinery be made full and perfect. Socialism will help purify and perfect the machine.—Am. Ed.
37.  This same Government, beginning to realize what it has unintentionally done for Social Democracy, is already (1889) doing what it can to render the new County Councils socialistically impotent by urgently reminding them of the restrictions which hamper their action.
38.  The authority for this figure will be found in Fabian Tract No. 5, Facts for Socialists.
39.  We believe that municipalities and townships should begin to employ the unemployed now.—Am. Ed.
40.  Mr. R. Giffen, Essays in Finance, Second series, p. 393.
41.  Proceedings of the Pan-Anglican Synod: Lambeth, 1888. Report of Committee on Socialism.
42.  Finally, the Commissioner was superseded; and Mr. Burns was elected a member of the first London County Council by a large majority.
43.  It is due to the leaders of the Coöperative movement to say here that they are no parties to the substitution of dividend-hunting by petty capitalists for the pursuit of the ideal of Robert Owen, the Socialist founder of Coöperation; and that they are fully aware that Coöperation must be a political as well as a commercial movement if it is to achieve a final solution of the labor question.
44.  Ample material for a study of West End mob panic may be found in the London newspapers of February, 1886, and November, 1887.
45.  Lord Bramwell, President of the Economic Section of the British Association in 1888.
47.  In one western American city, the mayor declares that its already largely remunerative electric light plant will soon enable it to do away with all taxes of any description whatsoever.—Am. Ed.
48.  The meaning of these terms will be familiar to readers of the fourth essay.
49.  See note, p. 148.
50.  That is, the manager would receive less for his work than the artisan. Cases in which the profits of the employer are smaller than the wages of the employee are by no means uncommon in certain grades of industry where small traders have occasion to employ skilled workmen.
51.  Such capitulations occur already when the Chancelor of the Exchequer takes advantage of the fall in the current rate of interest (explained on page 149) to reduce Consols. This he does by simply threatening to pay off the stockholders with money freshly borrowed at the current rate. They, knowing that they could not reinvest the money on any better terms than the reduced ones offered by the Chancelor, have to submit. There is no reason why the municipalities should not secure the same advantage for their constituents. For example, the inhabitants of London now pay the shareholders of the gas companies a million and a half annually, or 11 per cent. on the £13,650,000 which the gas works cost. The London County Council could raise that sum for about £400,000 a year. By threatening to do this and start municipal gas works, it could obviously compel the shareholders to hand over their works for £400,000 a year, and sacrifice the extra 8 per cent. now enjoyed by them. The saving to the citizens of London would be £1,100,000 a year, sufficient to defray the net cost of the London School Board. Metropolitan readers will find a number of cognate instances in Fabian Tract No. 8, "Facts for Londoners."
52.  In America the choice comes between evolutionary Socialism, Plutocracy, or Chaos and Rapine. Competition or combination is not the question. Competition is disappearing. The only question is what kind of a combination we shall have, plutocratic or democratic. Socialism or Jay Gould, this is the question.—Am. Ed.
The Transition to Social Democracy, The Outlook, by Hubert Bland
53.  It is to the half conscious recognition of this generalization that the disappearance of militant Republicanism among the English working classes is owing.
54.  The "hands," however, both in England and America, are learning fast. These are rapid times.—Am. Ed.
55.  This also holds good of the Democratic and Republican parties in the United States.—Am. Ed.
56.  The difference of principle here is more apparent than real. The Gladstonians repudiate any desire for separation, and affirm their intention of maintaining the absolute veto of the imperial Parliament; while the Unionists avow their ultimate intention of giving to Ireland the same powers of self government now enjoyed, or to be enjoyed by England and Scotland.
57.  The battles for Catholic Emancipation and the removal of the religious disabilities were fought on sectarian rather than on political grounds.
58.  This is perhaps not, historically, quite true; but the landlords believed that their own prosperity depended upon the exclusion of foreign corn, and that is sufficient for the purpose of my argument.
59.  Cf. the speeches of Mr. John Morley on the eight hours' proposal and the taxation of ground rents. Also the recent writings of Mr. Bradlaugh, passim.
60.  One of the most indefatigable and prolific members of the Socialist party, in a widely circulated tract, has actually adduced the existence of hawkers' licenses as an instance of the "Progress of Socialism!"
61.  It is worth noting that those organs of the press* which are devoted more particularly to the landed interest have been the first to hint at the probable desirability of dealing with great industrial monopolies by means of legislation.
* This also true in America. The Farmers' Alliance organs are not averse to nationalizing capital as long as that invested in farming lands is left alone.—Am. Ed.
62.  In the United States this party, the Socialist Labor Party, is already in the political arena and cast 14,000 votes in New York in 1890. Their organ The People is a weekly published in New York city.—Am. Ed.
63.  This analysis of the English political future is suggestive, but not fully applicable to the American situation. At present the action of the farmers in attacking the prevailing economic position, may reveal the opposition at one point, and induce a political conflict all along the line, thus hastening the final issue.—Am. Ed.
64.  See The Socialist Ideal—Art, by Wm. Morris. (Humboldt Pub. Co. No. 147.)